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CAPTAIN DRING’S 


RECOLLECTIONS OF 


THE JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 



















RECOLLECTION IS 


OF 


T11E JERSEY P RIS () N- S H IP: 


FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS OF 


CAPTAIN THOMAS I)RING, 

il 


ONE OF THE PRISONERS. 


By ALBERT G. GREENE. 

EDITED BY HENRY B. DAWSON. 



MORRISANIA, X. Y. 
1865. 

O 

i,: ”’ V 








Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S65, 

By HENRY B. DAWSON, 

In the Clerk's Oflice of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District 

of New York. 




50 Copies, Quarto, numbered and signed. 
100 Copies, Octavo, numbered and signed. 


No. L . 












TO 


HENRY T. DROWNE, Esq., 

OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, 

A WORTHY “ Sox OF RlIODE-ISLAND,” 

IN ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF IIIS CONSTANT READINESS TO PROMOTE EVERY 
HISTORICAL INQUIRY, AND AS A MEMENTO OF THE HIGHEST 
PERSONAL REGARD, 

&jjc follofoing |\ctori> 

OF THE PATRIOTIC SUFFERINGS OF OTHER AND EARLIER MEMBERS 

of- that State 

IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED BY IIIS FRIEND, 

THE EDITOR. 


Morrtsania, N. Y., June. 18G5. 











ADVERTISEMENT 


In the following pages have been reproduced the “ Recol¬ 
lections ” of Captain Thomas Dring, one of those who, in 
1782, experienced some of the outrages to which the pris¬ 
oners on board the Jersey Prison-ship were unquestionably 
exposed. 

Of the character of these “ Recollections ,” and that of 
their author, little need be said, so well established have 
both become in the opinions of those who are acquainted 
with them. 

A frank, out-spoken, and honest seaman, the author of 
this little work had no disposition either to conceal the 
truth or to misrepresent it. His “ Recollections therefore, 
are entitled to that respect which they have always com¬ 
manded; and the practised pen of Albert G. Greene, 
Esq., subsequently the President of the Phode Island 
Historical Society, by whom they were originally prepared 
for the Press, has added fresh attractions to what, without 
that, would have commanded our most earnest attention. 

They appear to have been originally published in 1829, 
by H. H. Brown, of Providence; and in 1831, a second 
edition was published by P. M. Davis, of the city of Hew 
York. What is supposed to be the third edition is now 
submitted to the world; embracing not only a careful 
reprint of the Hew York edition of 1831, but much addi- 


B 



ADVERTISEMENT. 


viii 

tional matter which is illustrative of the subject, the greater 
part of which is either from the original manuscripts, and 
now first printed, or from contemporary publications which 
are not generally accessible, and Therefore unknown to the 
greater portion of those who are interested in the subject; 
or, having been prepared expressly for this edition, which 
is now first introduced to the reading public. 

Of the first-mentioned of these—that portion which is 
now first published from the original manuscripts—the 
correspondence of Mr. William Drowne, while he was a 
prisoner on board of the Jersey , and the memoranda of 
Mr. Roswell Palmer, written after his release, possess 
unusual interest and great value. The original portraits 
of Captains Dring and Aborn, also, form very interesting 
specimens of art, which, in this edition, have been intro¬ 
duced to the public the first time. 

The reproductions from contemporary publications em¬ 
brace the very interesting and very important correspon¬ 
dence between the prisoners themselves and James 
Rivington, the Royal Printer in New York, and the 
not less interesting and important enclosures which were 
brought to light by that correspondence—embracing the 
correspondence between General Washington and Admiral 
Pigby; that between Commissaries David Sproat and 
Abraham Skinner ; the very important Report on the con¬ 
dition of the Prisoners, which was made by a Committee 
of American officers; and the equally important address, on 
the same subject, of the officers themselves. 

Of the original matter prepared especially for this edition, 
the sketch of the life'of Mr. William Drowne, a prisoner, 
by his grand-nephew, Rev. T. Stafford Drowne, of 
Brooklyn, New York; the grateful tribute to the memory 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


IX 


of Mr. Roswell Palmer, also a prisoner, by his son, Wil¬ 
liam Pitt Palmer, whose ready pen lias also produced the 
elegant sonnet at the close of the volume; and the appro¬ 
priate sonnet on The Rhode Island Prisoner , which has 
been contributed by Mr. George William Curtis, are 
most noticeable, and those which will prove most attractive 
to the general reader. The Introductory article, the various 
notes throughout the volume, the sketches, in the Appendix, 
of the lives of Captain Daniel Aborn and Sailing-master 
Sylvester Rhodes, and those of the ship Relisarms , the 
Old Jersey , and the schooner Chance , also in the Appendix, 
for all of which I alone am responsible, may be usefully 
referred to by those who desire to understand the subject. 

The pictorial illustrations of this edition are also pecu¬ 
liar, and merit a passing notice. 

In addition to the view of the Jersey , and the plans of her 
decks, which have been reproduced from the drawings left 
by Captain Dring, and copied into both the editions of the 
“Recollections ” which have preceded this, authentic por¬ 
traits of Captains Dring and Aborn have now been first 
published, from original contemporary portraits in the 
possession of the respective families. 

These portraits have been reproduced, by photography, 
in a form which is peculiarly suitable for the purpose of 
illustration,—the first instance, it is believed, in which 
sheets of such sizes as are necessary for insertion in the 
different editions of this volume, have been produced with 
so much success \—and I am indebted to the very superior 
professional skill of Mr. R. A. Lewis, No. 160 Chatham 
street, New York, for this notable triumph of art. 

The only remaining duty which devolves upon me is to 
acknowledge the heavy obligations which I am under to 


X 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


Mr. Henry B. Drowne, Mrs. George C. Arnold, Miss 
Mary Henrietta Aborn, and Mr. Henry W. Lothrop, all 
of Providence, Rhode Island ; to Rev. T. Stafford Drowne, 
of Brooklyn, Hew York, and to Mr. Henry T. Drowne 
and Mr. Robert W. Aborn, of the city of Hew York, for 
assistance kindly and freely rendered in obtaining infor¬ 
mation for my use; to Rev. T. Stafford Drowne, and 
Messrs. William Pitt Palmer and George William Cur¬ 
tis, for the very acceptable literary contributions with which 
the volume has been enriched ; and to Mr. Thomas Dring 
Gladding, of Providence, a nephew of Captain Dring, and 
to Mr. Robert W. Aborn, of the city of Hew York, a 
grandson of Captain Aborn, for the use of the original 
portraits of their respective friends, for the purpose of illus¬ 
trating this edition of the “Recollections ” of their common 
sufferings: to each of whom I return my sincere thanks. 

Henry B. Dawson. 


Morrisania , W. Y ., June, 1865. 


INTRODUCTION. 


The sufferings of tlie American naval prisoners who 
were confined in the hulks during the war of the American 
Kevolution have furnished to many a paragraph its most 
appalling sentences, although there are few subjects con¬ 
cerning which so little is generally known. 

Of the multitudes who were thus confined, the greater 
proportion is said to have fallen, while they were yet pris¬ 
oners, by disease, superinduced by the hardships which they 
then endured; while those who survived, generally appear 
to have confined their communications on the subject to 
the occasional winter-evening recital of some of their suffer¬ 
ings, for the entertainment of those who had gathered 
around their hearthstones, without considering that those 
who were to take their places would feel the least interest 
in the subject, or institute the least inquiry concerning it. 
A few, more considerate than the great body of their 
fellow-prisoners, have left behind them brief records of their 
recollections; and to these narratives—often intermingled 
with matter which is foreign to the main subject, and always 
very limited in extent—we are indebted for the greater 
part of the information which we possess concerning the 
Prison-ships and their victims. 



INTRODUCTION. 


xii 

The principal of these narratives are those of Captain 
Thomas Dring and the Reverend Thomas Andros ; those 
which are less extended include the letter of Captain Alex¬ 
ander Coffin, Junior, to Doctor Samuel L. Mitchill ; the 
incidental “ Recollections ” of General Jeremiah Johnson, 
of Brooklyn; the equally incidental paragraphs of the 
Reverend Andrew Sherburne, Ebenezer Fox, Commodore 
Silas Talbot, &c. ; and the memoranda and letters, yet in 
manuscript, of William Drowne, Roswell Palmer, etc. 

Concerning the questions involved in these published 
narratives and unpublished papers, the great body of the 
inhabitants of the United States who profess to have any 
knowledge of the subject, perfectly agree in opinion; and 
nothing has been done, by those who have preceded me, 
either to correct what, in that opinion, is erroneous, or to 
contirm what appears, on the evidence of those who had 
personal knowledge on the subject, to be indisputably true. 

Of the Prison-ships themselves , and the right of the enemy , 
under the Law of Nations and the usages of war, to use 
them as they were then used , a very brief notice may not be 
considered inappropriate. 

The Prison-ships , as is very well known, were old vessels- 
of-war which had been condemned as unseaworthy, and 
unfit for store or Hospital ships, and converted to this, the 
last use to which they could be applied. They were neces¬ 
sarily uncomfortable, unless adapted by extensive altera¬ 
tions to their new purposes; and when it shall be 
remembered that they generally leaked badly, their unfit¬ 
ness as places of confinement, under ordinary circumstances, 
need not be a matter of any doubt. 

The abstract right of the enemy to use these vessels as 
places of confinement is also unquestionable;—a contrary 


INTRODUCTION. 


xiii 

opinion was not advanced during the period of the severest 
sufferings on board the Jersey , even by the prisoners them¬ 
selves; nor has it been denied, as far as 1 have seen the 
discussions, by any of the more recent writers on the 
subject. 1 

It is very well known that, by the fundamental law, not 
only all captives taken in a solemn war, but their posterity 
also, are, by the Law of Nations, absolutely slaves; and 
that whatsoever is done unto them is unpunishable. 2 

It is nevertheless true, that the right which war gives 
over the persons and lives of an enemy has practically its 
bounds; and that, by common consent, there are measures 
to be observed in war which cannot be innocently neglected, 
although a disregard of them continues to be unpunishable. 

Every thing which becomes necessary to secure the ends 
of the war is permitted, and no more. The written law, 
surrounded by precedents, is stern and unyielding; yet 
there is a “ law of humanity”—a higher law than that of 
man’s enactment—which fixes bounds to the abstract 
rights which the former has established, and directs us to 


1 The following contemporary notice will show that Prison-ships were 
employed by the Americans, during the War of the Revolution—furnishing a 
bar to our pretensions, were we disposed to make any, that the employment 
of these vessels was contrary to the Law r of Nations:— 

[From The Pennsylvania Packet or , The General Advertiser , Vol. XI, Numb. 896, 
Philadelphia, Tuesday, June 11, 1782.] 

“NEW-LONDON, May 24. 

“ Last Saturday the Retaliation prison-ship was safely moored in the river 
“ Thames, about a mile above the ferry, for the reception of such British pris- 
“ oners as may fall into our hands; since which about one hundred prisoners 
“ have been put on board.” t 

2 Grotius’s Rights of War and Peace , Book III., Chapter vii., Sections i.-iii. 
(Edit. 1682, 481, 482.) . 


XIV 


INTRODUCTION. 


consider not only whether any particular act may, without 
injury to ourselves, be legally committed against an enemy, 
but, also, whether they are worthy of a humane or generous 
conqueror. By that unwritten law, so far as our own 
defence and future security will permit, we must moderate 
the evils we inflict upon an enemy, by the principles of 
humanity. 1 

In an examination of the questions arising from the nar¬ 
ratives of the captive Americans who were confined on 
board the Prison-ships in the Wale bogt, it must not be 
forgotten that their claims for consideration, under the Law 
of Nations, were not as great as those of captives taken in 
solemn war. They were, at best, only rebellious subjects 
of the legal sovereign of the land, who had risen against his 
authority, and been taken in the act. In short, they were, 
legally, traitors, and as such liable to the punishment and 
contempt which legitimately belong to that peculiar class 
of offenders—a class which, despite the law and the Gov¬ 
ernment, generally enjoys the sympathies of the disin¬ 
terested world, and is more or less purged of its crime by 
the extent of its success in the establishment of its demands. 

As has been said, the abstract right of the enemy, under 
the Law of Nations, to employ such depositories as the 
Jersey and Good Hope for the confinement of American 
prisoners, is unquestionable; the manner in which that 
right was exercised, the extent and character of the evils 
which were there inflicted on the captives, and the neces¬ 
sity which existed for the imposition of any, or the greater 
number, of those evils, are questions in which the law of 
humanity—by common consent, also practically, a Law of 

1 Buklamaqui’s Principles of Natural and Politic Law , Politic Law, Part IV., 
Chapter v., Section vii. (Edit. 1784, 275.) 


INTRODUCTION. 


XV 


Nations- should have been, and still may be, consulted and 
recognized. 

That there was any existing necessity for a resort to the 
extreme measures which were adopted and practised in 
connection with the American naval prisoners, was not 
then pretended, nor is it now. The great end of the war— 
the suppression of the rebellion in the Colonies—did not 
require the exercise of any such severity as that which 
these prisoners experienced; and those who exercised it, 
therefore, rendered themselves obnoxious to that higher 
law, the law of humanity, to which reference has been 
made. 

The Jersey , although no longer serviceable as a vessel of 
war, might have been made comparatively comfortable as 
a habitation for a large number of occupants; and it would 
have been no difficult matter, with ordinary attention, to 
have protected the health of the prisoners who were ordi¬ 
narily confined on board of her. She had been accustomed 
to carry a crew of upwards of four hundred persons , 1 with 
full supplies of stores and provisions, and with her heavy 
equipment as a sliip-of-the-line; dismantled and at anchor, 
in an inner harbor, without equipments, stores, or pro¬ 
visions, a thousand need not have been exposed to hard¬ 
ships on board of her, had her officers and commissaries 
discharged their several duties with fidelity and energy. 

It may be asked, then, what reason existed for any of the 
abuses which the prisoners on the Jersey experienced, and 
on whom can the criminality of those outrages which were 
then committed most properly fall ? 

There is little doubt that the superior officers of the 
Royal Navy, under whose exclusive jurisdictions were 

1 Official list of ships in commission, and their disposition, 12th July, 1762. 

C 


XVI 


INTRODUCTION. 


these Prison-ships, intended to insure, as far as possible, 
the good health of those who were confined on board of 
them; there is just as little doubt, however, that the infe¬ 
rior officers, under whose control those prisoners were more 
immediately placed,—like similar persons in similar situa¬ 
tions in every age and nation of the world,—too often 
frustrated the purposes of their superior officers, and too 
often disgraced humanity, by their wilful disregard of the 
policy of their Government, and of the orders of their supe¬ 
riors; by the uncalled-for severity of their treatment of those 
who were placed in their custody ; and by their shameless 
malappropriation of the means of support which were placed 
in their hands for the sustenance of the prisoners. 

The prisoners themselves, without doubt, also promoted 
their own miseries, in many cases; and, too often, they 
unnecessarily intensified the discomfort into which they 
had been plunged by the fortune of war, and the negligence 
or wickedness of those who were their Commissaries and 
Guards. 

The leakage of the Jersey imposed the necessity of a very 
frequent use of her pumps, to “ prevent her from sinking”— 
if a further settlement into the soft mud of the Wale bogt 
could be thus prevented ;—yet we learn from Rev. Thomas 
Andros, a prisoner on board, that it was necessary to 
employ an armed guard in the well-room, to force the 
prisoners to the winches, and to keep the pumps in motion ; x 
while the same authority states, that “ the prisoners were 
“ furnished with buckets and brushes to cleanse the ship, 
“ and with vinegar to sprinkle her inside; but their indo- 
“ lence and despair were such that they would not use them , 
“ or but rarely .” 2 

1 Tlic Old Jersey Captive , 9. 


2 Ibid., 16. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XV11 


Ill this connection it is proper for me to say, that I am 
not insensible of the fact, that the truth of many of the 
statements concerning the Old Jersey and her captive 
victims has been denied; and that a Committee appointed 
by the American officers who were permitted to reside on 
shore, to investigate the subject, made a written Report, 
confirming that denial , 1 2 which was published in both the 
Loyal and the Patriotic Press of the day. It is also true 
that a similar statement, signed by the great body of the 
officers referred to, among whom were Captain Aborn and 
Doctor Bowen, of the Chained (the sufferings of whose 
crew are detailed in the following pages), was also pub¬ 
lished, and gave color to the denial to which reference lias 
been made. 

The correspondence of Mr. William Drowne, now first 
published, also shows that there were instances in which 
the prisoners were treated with more consideration than is 
generally supposed. 

Friends who were residents of the city of New York and 
its vicinity were permitted to visit the prisoners, and fur¬ 
nish them with such articles as promoted their comfort ; 3 
some evidence of respect for the memory of the dead was 
sometimes allowed to be shown at their burial; when de¬ 
sired, even the reading of the funeral service was not inter¬ 
fered with ; 4 correspondence with their families, by letter, 
was allowed , 5 and the prisoners were even permitted to 
visit their families, in distant States, on their simple 
word of honor, to return to captivity within a specified 
time . 6 

1 Appendix I., Number 7 (page 143, post). 

2 Appendix I., Number 7, pages 143-145, post. 

3 William Dbowne, page 173. 


4 Page 171, post. 

5 Pages 168-173, post. 

6 Page 108, post. 


Xviii INTRODUCTION. 

The simple narrative of Mr. Roswell Palmer, in like 
manner, disposes of the story that the gratings of the hatch¬ 
ways were peremptorily fastened down at sunset; and that 
all communication between the lower and the upper decks 
was then positively closed until the following morning . 1 

These, and other similar authorities, indicate that the 
outrages committed on the unfortunate prisoners were not 
systematic and authoritative, although they were equally 
severe in their effects on their victims, and even more diffi¬ 
cult of remedy. On the contrary, there is little doubt that 
they were the result, generally, of the avarice of those who 
supplied the ship with its stores; the indolence or compli¬ 
city with the contractors, or both, of those w T lio should have 
inspected the supplies which those contractors furnished ; 
and the general indifference which prevailed concerning 
the health or comfort of the prisoners—an indifference 
which was often induced by the relative positions of a 
King’s servant and “ a rebel,” and promoted by a division 
of accountability between the Commissary of Prisoners and 
the officers of the ship. To these may be added the indo¬ 
lence and occasional bad temper of the Cook—an officer 
whose position was by no means an enviable one, yet one 
on which depended, to a greater extent than most others, 
the health and comfort of the prisoners; the surliness of 
the Marine who guarded the water-cask, and was empow¬ 
ered to drive from it all whom he was disposed to punish, 
or indisposed to favor,—an infliction which might add 
materially to the horrors which were legitimately the result 
of a confinement in such a prison, at such a time as that; 
and the incompetence or negligence of the Surgeon, whose 
duty it w T as, although too often neglected, to visit the sick, 


1 Page 176, post. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XIX 


and to provide for their necessities. The Guards, also—as 
is generally the case with those who possess the power to 
oppress those who are helpless—were not always obliging, 
nor even civil; while the prisoners themselves, as we have 
been told by many, were indolent to an alarming extent, 
disposed to annoy their warders, and to taunt their guards; 
given to gambling—in order, it may be, “ to kill time,’— 
and not indisposed to steal from each other, whenever they 
found an opportunity to do so without detection. 

In the midst of such a densely populated community as 
this, rigidly, if not relentlessly, guarded by an irresponsible 
soldiery, who were anxiously looking for an opportunity to 
revenge a series of petty insults; with Surgeons whose love 
of ease was irresistible, and Cooks who had been taught, by 
observation of the conduct of their superiors in office, that 
the comfort and sanitary condition of the prisoners were 
matters of little consequence ;—in the midst of such a com¬ 
munity, nearly every member of which was diseased and 
dispirited, poverty-stricken, and apparently deserted by his 
friends and country, let the small-pox and yellow fever 
appear, with all their accumulated woes, and a fair picture 
of the Jersey and her victims, during the summer of 1782, 
may be seen and understood. 

It has been often said, and as often believed, that these 
naval prisoners, the victims of war, were neglected by their 
country, and allowed to perish when they might properly 
have been saved; but an examination of the contemporary 
records affords no evidence of the truth of those remarks. 

The terms of the agreement which had been made be¬ 
tween the belligerents, did not allow either party to demand 
an exchange of any of these prisoners, as exchanges were to 
be made in kind, and the Americans had few naval pris- 


XX 


INTRODUCTION. 


oners to offer for them ; while the acceptance of the enemy’s 
offer to receive soldiers in exchange, by furnishing him with 
immediate re-enforcements in the field, wonld have been 
destructive of the best interests of the United States. 

But other and more important reasons than this retarded 
the release of the greater number of the prisoners who were 
confined on board of the Jersey . 

They were the crews of privateers, not those of vessels in 
the service of the Continent; and the owners of the vessels, 
rather than the Continental Congress, were the parties to 
whom they could most properly apply for relief. As the 
prisoners who were captured by that class of vessels were 
seldom detained, there was no fund on which to draw for 
seamen who could be offered for exchange; nor was there 
any power to prevent a continuation of the difficulty, or to 
enforce on those owners an observance of their duty to their 
employes who were in distress. 

Another difficulty arose from the limited authority which 
General Washington possessed in the premises. The 
authority to exchange Naval Prisoners was not vested in 
him, but in the Financier; and, as the prisoners on the 
Jersey fully set forth in their petition, 1 the former was com¬ 
paratively helpless in the premises, although he earnestly 
desired to relieve them from their sufferings. 

It will be seen, from these circumstances, that no blame 
could properly attach either to General Washington, or 
the Continental Congress, or the Commissary of Prisoners, 
on this subject; and that the blame belonged properly to 
those who were most nearly interested in the subject—those 
who were engaged in privateering—all of whom had been 
accustomed either to release, without parole, the crews of 

1 Vide page 103, pout. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXI 


the vessels which they captured, or enlist them on other 
privateers; in both cases removing the very means by which 
alone the release of their captive fellow-seamen could he 
properly and safely effected. 

All this, however, is collateral, and immaterial to the 
main questions involved in the inquiry. 

From the careful perusal of all the information which we 
possess on this interesting subject, the reader will arise with 
the conviction that, by unwarrantable abuses of authority, 
and unprincipled disregard of the purposes of the British 
Government in some of its agents, great numbers of help¬ 
less American prisoners were wantonly plunged into the 
deepest distress, exposed to the most severe sufferings, and 
carried to unhonored graves. He need not stop to inquire 
by what particular officer, or in what particular manner, or 
with what intent, expressed or implied, these results were 
brought about; nor need he be anxious to learn whether or 
not all the horrors of the oft-told story, rather than the 
greater part of them, are entirely and literally true. 
Enough will remain uncontradicted by competent testi¬ 
mony. to brand with everlasting infamy all who were 
immediately concerned in the business; and to bring a 
blush of shame on the cheek of every one who feels the 
least interest in the memory of any one who, no matter 
how remotely, was a party to so mean, and yet so horrible 
an outrage. 

Whether it was necessary , in order to suppress the re¬ 
bellion in the Colonies, and to restore the supremacy of the 
laws and the authority of the Sovereign—the end and pur¬ 
pose of the w T ar—that these captives should be thus mal¬ 
treated on board the Jersey , and other Prison-ships in the 
Wale bogt and elsewhere; thus denied the necessaries of 


xxu 


INTRODUCTION. 


life; thus brutalized and treated worse than brutes, is the 
question on which all others depend—that which deter¬ 
mines the legality, under the Laws of Nations, of the con¬ 
duct of those who had the custody of the prisoners. 

- On this subject, also, there cannot be two opinions; 
indeed it was never claimed by any one, either officially or 
otherwise, that any such necessity existed; it was not even 
pretended that the use of Prison-ships, rather than the 
broad acres of unoccupied lands which were within a 
stone’s-throw of the Prison-ships themselves, as depositories 
of captive mariners, was either necessary for the great ends 
and purposes referred to, or any other. 

There was no-such existing necessity• and the authors 
and abettors of the outrages to which reference has been 
made will stand convicted, not only of the most heartless 
criminality against the law^ of humanity and the laws of 
God, but of the most flagrant violation of the Laws of 
Nations and of the Law of the Land. 

H. B. D, 

Morrisania, iV. Y., June, 1865. 


RECOLLECTIONS 


OF THE 

JERSEY PRISON-SHIP: 


TAKEN, AND PREPARED FOR PUBLICATION, FROM TIIE 
ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT OF 
TIIE LATE 

CAPTAIN THOMAS DRING, 

OF PROVIDENCE, R. I., 


ONE OF THE PRISONERS. 


BY ALBERT G. GREECE. 


“ It was there, that hunger and thirst and disease, and all the contumely 
which cold-hearted cruelty could bestow, sharpened every pang of death. 
Misery there wrung every fibre that could feel, before she gave the blow of 
grace, which sent the sufferer to eternity.”— Russell's Oration. 


Jieto- Work : 

PUBLISHED BY P. M. DAVIS. 


1831. 


7> 


v 

















































PREFACE. 


In presenting the following narrative to the public, 
it is deemed proper that it should be accompanied 
with a brief notice of the individual, from whose 
memory these Recollections were drawn; and with 
some account of the materials left by him, from which 
this work has been compiled. 

Excepting the events described in this volume, his 
biography would afford but few incidents of sufficient 
importance to excite public attention. The prime of 
his life was spent in active employment upon the 
ocean, and his remaining years were passed in the 
avocations of the quiet and industrious citizen. The 
events of the latter yield no themes for comment; and 
the former, although not without its scenes of peril 
and adventure, affords nothing which here requires to 
be recorded. 

Captain Thomas Dring was born in the town of 
Newport (It. I.), on the third day of August, 1758. He 
was therefore in his twenty-fifth year when the events 
occurred which form the subject of the present volume. 


4 


PREFACE. 


After the termination of his confinement on board the 
Jersey , he entered the merchant service, and soon 
attained the command of a ship. He sailed from the 
port of Providence for many years, and was well 
known as an able and experienced officer. In the 
year 1803, he retired from his nautical profession, and, 
soon after, established himself in business in Provi¬ 
dence, where he resided during the remainder of his 
life. He died on the eighth day of August, 1825, aged 
sixty-seven years, leaving many by whom his memory 
will long be preserved, as a kind relative, an intelligent 
and industrious citizen, a worthy and an honest man. 

The original manuscript, from which the facts con¬ 
tained in the following pages have been taken, was 
written in the year 1824. Although it was finished 
but a few months previous to his decease, his faculties 
were then perfect and unimpaired, and his memory 
remained clear and unclouded, even in regard to the 
most minute facts. To those who were personally 
acquainted with Captain Duma, his character affords 
sufficient assurance of the correctness of his narrative. 

His manuscript is a closely-written folio of about 
sixty pages, containing a great number of interesting 
facts, thrown together without much regard to style, 
or to chronological order. Not being intended for 
publication, at least in the form in which he left it, he 
appears to have bestowed but little regard on the 
language in which his facts were described, or on the 
arrangement or connection in which they were placed. 
His only aim, indeed, appears to have been to commit 


PREFACE. 


faithfully to paper his recollections of all the principal 
events which transpired during his own confinement, 
and the material circumstances in relation to the gen¬ 
eral treatment of the prisoners. His writing, accord¬ 
ingly, abounds with repetitions of not only the most 
important, but even of the most minute occurrences. 
These, although they add value to a manuscript like 
his, proving the strength and accuracy of his memory, 
by the perfect accordance of his descriptions of the 
same facts, made at different times, still, in a published 
book, they could be viewed but as useless redundan¬ 
cies, at least. 

The manuscript has been sought for, and eagerly 
perused, by several gentlemen of high respectability, 
who were either prisoners on board the Jersey , or 
placed in situations where they had ample opportu¬ 
nities of being acquainted with the facts. They have 
uniformly borne testimony to the correctness of its 
details; but have been, at the same time, unanimous 
in the opinion that a perfect and complete revision of 
its style and arrangement was absolutely required. 

It was, in fact, necessary that the work should not 
merely be revised, but rewritten, before its publica¬ 
tion. To do this in a proper manner, was no easy task. 
It was necessary to divide the narrative into distinct 
and separate chapters, and, consequently, to transpose 
and connect detached facts under their proper heads, 
in order to produce a degree of uniformity in the 
whole. But while the circumstances not only allowed, 
but required, full liberty to be taken with the language 


6 PREFACE, 

and arrangement of the narrative, still, nothing has 
been added, and no fact or occurrence of the least 
importance has been omitted. Throughout the whole 
work, the most scrupulous care has been taken that 
the incidents, as here portrayed, should exactly agree 
with the descriptions of Captain Drixg ; and, also, that 
they should be so set forth as to appear neither of 
more nor less importance than he appears to have 
attached to them, while writing his manuscript. 


C 0 N T E N T S 


l>A(iE 

General Description of the Jersey Prison-ship. p> 


References to the Plates. 


Our Capture. 

CHAPTER I. 

The First Night on Board ... 

CHAPTER II. 

The First Dav. 

CHAPTER III. 

The Gun-room and Messes... 

CHAPTER IV. 

The Cook’s Quarters. 

CHAPTER V. 

Our Situation. 

CHAPTER VI. 

. 40 

The Working-part v. 

CHAPTER VII. 

..i. 52 


CHAPTER VIII. 
The Hospital-ships and Nurses. 


The Interment of the Dead.. 

CHAPTER IX. 

. 00 

The Crew of the Chance . 

CHAPTER X. 

. 05 














8 


CONTENTS. 


The Marine Guard. 

PAGE 

CHAPTER XI. 

. 69 


CHAPTER XII. 


“ Dame Grant ” and her Boat. 74 


Our Supplies. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

. 76 

Our By-Laws. 

CHAPTER XIY. 

. 80 

Our Orator. 

CHAPTER XY. 

. 84 

The Fourth of July. 

CHAPTER XYI. 

... 89 

An Attempt to Escape... 

CHAPTER XVII. 

. 95 

CHAPTER XVIII. 


Memorial to General Washington . 102 


The Exchange. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

. 108 

The Cartel. 

CHAPTER XX. 

. 114 

Our Arrival Home. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

. 120 

Conclusion. 

. 123 


Appendix 


129 















NOTE. 


It may be proper to mention, that the Engravings which accom¬ 
pany this volume are copied from an original sketch, made by Captain 
Dring, and attached to his Manuscript. The References are given 
almost in his own words. 




THE 

JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 

















I lath. G Baywazd. 171 Pe c ir 1 3t. hT.T. 


■ +$o*jbtM Bouse 


MAP OF THE 

WALE HOOT A A I) ITS VICINTY, 

AT THE TIME OF THE REVO I.F TI ON A R Y V\’A K 
h'linn the Ortifitial Xteetrfv Dvriwil by (renerrtZ •Je.rentlah -tehrtrort 


+j}loo m s Souse 


Rpxivu bt 


Land of Device JL. 
Veen Jfrxvrvt' 









































































GENERAL DESCRIPTION 


OF THE 

JERSEY PRISON-SHIP, 

WITH REFERENCES TO THE PLATES. 


The Jersey was originally a Britisli sliip-of-tlie-line. She 
was rated and registered as a sixty-four gun ship, hut had 
usually mounted seventy-four guns. 1 At the commence¬ 
ment of the American Revolution, being an old vessel, and 
proving to be much decayed, she was entirely dismantled; 
and, soon after, was moored in the East River at New 
York, and converted into a Store-ship. 2 In the year 1780, 
she was fitted as a Prison-ship, 3 and was used for that pur- 

1 The Jersey, according to the records of the Royal Navy, was a fourth-rate 
ship, rating sixty guns; from which it appears that both Captains Diung and 
Coffin and Rev. Thomas Andros were slightly mistaken concerning her 
former strength, which they supposed to have been sixty-four guns—a third- 
rate ship. 

Mr. Fox {Revolutionary Adventures , p. 96) supposed she was an old seventy- 
f our __ a wider departure from correctness than the statements of his fellow- 
sufferers. 

2 This is proved to be a correct statement by the notices ot her use as a *Sfore- 
ship, from time to time, in the city papers of that period. 

3 Judge Furman, in his Notes , Geographical and Historical , relating to the town 



14 


GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE 


pose during the remainder of the war. Fears having been 
very naturally felt that the destructive contagion by which 
so many of her unfortunate inmates had been swept away, 
might spread to the shore, she was, in consequence, 1 re¬ 
moved, and moored, with chain cables, at the Wale bogt, 
a solitary and unfrequented place on the shore of Long 
Island. 2 She had been dismantled, and her rudder unhung. 
Her only spars were the bowsprit, a derrick for taking in 


of Brooklyn (page 53); General Jeremiah Johnson, in his Recollections of Brook¬ 
lyn and New York in 1776, and Mr. Taylor, in his Martyrs to the Revolution (page 
13), state that the Jersey was anchored in April, 1778, in the Wale bogt, for the 
reception of prisoners, but there is reason to suppose that they were in error in 
the statements referred to. 

Captain Dring stated in the text, in which Mr. Fox concurred {Adventures, 
96), that she was not fitted for a Prison- ship until 1780; while Gaines’s Uni¬ 
versal Register: or American and British Kalendar for the year 1782, published 
in the City of New York in the latter part of 1781, refers to th c, Jersey, in the 
“List of King’s Ships now in Commission,” as follows:— 

“ Fourth rates 
^ ^ ^ ^ 

“ 60. Jersey (Hos. ship),” 

which indicates that as late as the close of 1781 she was used only as a “Afos- 
;w7aLsliip.” Besides, the narratives of Captains Dring and Coffin, Rev. - 
Messrs. Andros and Sherburne, and Messrs. Fox, Drowne, and Palmer, all 
speak of their confinement in that ship as having occurred in the latter part of 
1781, and subsequently—all of which is evidence of the correctness of the 
Kalendar and the incorrectness of Messrs. Furman, Johnson, and Taylor. 

1 See, also, Fox’s Revolutionary Adventures, 96. 

2 Mr. Andros states, “she was moored about three-quarters of a mile to the 
“eastward of Brooklyn ferry, near a tide-mill on the Long-Island shore. The 
“nearest distance to land was about twenty rods” {The Old Jersey Captive, 8);— 
a statement which has been confirmed by General Johnson, in the Map which 
he made of the Wale bogt, a copy of which forms one of the illustrations of 
this volume. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


15 


supplies of water, etc., and a flag-staff at the stern. Her 
port-holes had all been closed and strongly fastened; and 
two tiers of small holes cut through her sides. These holes 
were about ten feet apart, each being about twenty inches 
square, and guarded by two strong bars of iron, crossing it 
at right angles, thus leaving four contracted spaces, which 
admitted light by day, and served as breathing-holes at 
night. 1 The interior construction and arrangement of the 
ship will be clearly understood by an examination of the 
Engravings, illustrated by the following references. 

' «#■ 

1 The exterior of the Jersey has been described also by Captain Coffin, in 
his Letter to Doctor Samuel L. Mitchill (Appendix VI.); by Ebenezer Fox, 
in his Revolutionary Adventures, 96, 97; by Rev. Thomas Andros, in his Old 
Jersey Captive , 8, etc. 


16 


REFERENCES TO THE PLATES. 


REFERENCES TO THE PLATES. 


FIGURE 1. —EXTERIOR VIEW OF THE SHIP. 

1. The Flag-staff, which was seldom used, and only for signals. 

2. A canvas awning or tent, used by the guards in warm weather. 

3. The Quarter-deck, with its barricado about ten feet high, with a 

door and loop-holes on each side. 

4. The Ship’s Officers’ Cabin, under the Quarter-deck. 

5. Accommodation-ladder, on the starboard side, for the use of the 

ship’s officers. 

6. The Steerage, occupied by the sailors belonging to the ship. 

7. The Cook-room for the ship’s crew and guards. 

8. The Sutler’s-room, where articles were sold to the prisoners, and 

delivered to them through an opening in the bulkhead. 

0. The Upper-deck and Spar-deck, where the prisoners were occa¬ 
sionally allowed to walk. 

10. The Gangway-ladder, on the larboard side, for the prisoners. 

11. The Derrick, on the starboard side, for taking in water, etc., etc. 

12. The Galley, or Great Copper, under the forecastle, where the pro¬ 

visions were cooked for the prisoners. 

13. The Gun-room, occupied by those prisoners who were officers. 

14. 15. Hatchways leading below, where the prisoners were confined. 
17, 18. Between-decks, where the prisoners were confined by night. 

19. The Bowsprit. 

20. Chain Cables, by which the ship was moored. 



Fig. 1. Exterior view of tiik Ship 






















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































REFERENCES TO THE PLATES. 


17 


FIGURE 2.—THE GUN-DECK, WITH ITS APARTMENTS. 


1. Cabin. 

8. The Galley. 

2. Steerage. 

9, 10. The Cook’s-quarters. 

3. Cook-room. 

11. The Gangway-ladder. 

4. Sutler’s room. 

12. The Officer’s Ladder. 

5, 6. Gangways. 

13. Working-party. 

7. The Booms. 

14. The Barricado. 

0 0 0. Store Rooms. 


3 


18 


REFERENCES TO THE PLATES. 


FIGURE 3.—THE UPPER-DECK, BETWEEN DECKS. 

1. The Hatchway-ladder, leading to the lower deck, railed round on 

three sides. 

2. The Steward’s room, from which the prisoners received their daily 

allowance through an opening in the partition. 

3. The Gun-room, occupied by those prisoners who were officers. 

4. Door of the Gun-room. 

o, G, 7, 8. The arrangement of the prisoners’ chests and boxes, which 
were ranged along, about ten feet from the sides of the ship, 
leaving a vacant space, where the messes assembled. 

9, 10. The middle of the deck, where many of the prisoners’ ham¬ 
mocks were hung at night, but always taken down in the 
morning, to afford room for walking. 

11. Bunks, on the larboard side of the deck, for the reception of the 
sick. 


















RECOLLECTIONS, ETC. 


CHAPTER I. 


OUR CAPTURE. 


\ 


“ The various horrors of these hulks to tell, 
u Where want and woe, where pain and penance dwell; 
“ Where Death in tenfold vengeance holds his reign, 

“ And injured ghosts, yet unavenged, complain; 

“ This be my task.” 


Freneau. 


MONG the varied events of the war of the American 



±\. Revolution, there are few circumstances which have left 
a deeper impression on the public mind than those connected 
with the cruel and vindictive treatment which was expe¬ 
rienced by those of our unfortunate countrymen whom the 
fortune of war had placed on board the Prison-ships of the 
enemy. Still, among the vague and indistinct narrations 
which have been made (although, in almost every instance, 
falling short of the dreadful reality), but few statements 
have been given to the world in an authentic form; and 
these have been for the most part relations of detached 
facts and circumstances, rather than such distinct and con¬ 
nected accounts as might afford the reader a correct view 
of all the important facts in relation to the subject. 

Indeed, most of those who have spoken, and who could 
have written of these facts with the fidelity of eye-wit- 



20 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


nesses, have already passed beyond the scenes of earth; 
and, while living, had but slight inducements to devote the 
necessary time and labor to record the history of their 
former sufferings. 

Hence, so little that is authentic has ever been published 
upon the subject, and so scanty are the materials for infor¬ 
mation respecting it, which have as yet been given to the 
rising generations of our country, that it has already 
become a matter of doubt, even among many of the intel¬ 
ligent and well-informed of our young citizens, whether the 
tales of the Prison-ships, such as they have been told, have 
not been exaggerated beyond the reality. They have not 
been exaggerated. Much of the truth has indeed been 
told; but not one-lialf the detail of its horrors has ever 
been portrayed. 

But the period has now arrived which requires that some 
authentic record should be made, in order that the truth of 
these events shall not remain a subject of doubt and uncer¬ 
tainty. And so few of those who suffered in these terrific 
abodes remain alive, that, as a matter of precaution, it 
seems to be required that some one possessing actual 
knowledge of the facts, should embody them in a form 
more permanent than the tales of tradition, and more 
detailed than can appear on the page of the general his¬ 
torian. 

All the important occurrences of that eventful period; 
all which conspired to give its peculiar character to the 
lengthened contest, or which had an effect in advancing or 
retarding its issue; every thing which tends to show the 
spirit with which it was conducted on either side, is cer¬ 
tainly worthy of record and of remembrance. In this 
light, I view the facts in relation to the treatment of the 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


21 


American seamen on board the British Prison-ships. These 
facts- are a portion of our country’s history ; and that his¬ 
tory would not he complete, one of its deepest lessons 
would he lost, were the page which bears the record of 
these facts to be obliterated. 

The principal motive of the writer of the following pages, 
in recording the facts which they contain, was originally to 
strengthen his recollection of the particulars relative to 
the events which he has described. Although nearly half 
a century has elapsed since these events occurred, yet so 
indelible w r as the impression which they left on his mind, 
that they seem in all their details but as the things of yes¬ 
terday ; and if memory remains to him, they will go with 
him, in all their freshness, to the grave. 

In a very short time, there will be not one being on the 
face of the earth who can, from his own knowledge, relate 
this tale; though many still live who, although not among 
the sufferers, yet well know the truth of the circumstances 
which I have written. 

The number of those who perished on board the Prison 
and Hospital-ships at the Wale bogt has never been, and 
never can be known. It has been ascertained, however, 
with as much precision as the nature of the case will admit, 
that more than ten thousand died on board the Jersey , 
and the Hospital-ships Scorpion, Stro'mbolo, and Hunter. 
Thousands there suffered, and pined, and died, whose names 
have never been known by their countrymen. They died 
where no eye could admire their fortitude, no tongue could 
praise their devotion to their country’s cause. 1 

For years, the very name of 66 The Old Jersey ” seemed 

i General Johnson, who resided near the Wale bogt, for reasons assigned 
by him, inferred “that about eleven thousand five hundred perished in the 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


0 0 


to strike a terror to the hearts of those whose necessities 
required them to venture upon the ocean; the mortality 
which prevailed on hoard her was well known throughout 
the country; and to he confined within her dungeons was 
considered equal to a sentence of death, from which hut- 
little hope of escape remained. 

It was my hard fortune, in the course of the war, to he 
twice confined on board the Prison-ships of the enemy. 

I was first immured in the year 1779, on hoard the Good 
TIope, then lying in the North River, opposite the city at 
New York; hut after a confinement of more than four 
months, I succeeded in making my escape to the Jersey 
shore. 1 Afterwards, in the year 1782, I was again cap¬ 
tured, and conveyed on board the Jersey, where for nearly 

“ Prison-ships” ( Recollections of Brooklyn and New York , Appendix VII.), while 
the Rev. Thomas Andros, who was a prisoner on board the Jersey, said: “ It 
is computed that not less than eleven thousand American seamen perished in 
“ her,” —probably intended for the aggregate on all the ships. { The Old Jersey 
Captive , 8.) 

1 Captain Bring’ s name is not mentioned in the following extract ; but it is 
said by Mr. Onderdonk, in his Revolutionary Incidents of Kings County (p. 230), 
that he was one of the party. If that statement is true, this extract will be * 
especially interesting:— 

[From The New-Jersey Journal, Volume I., Number XXXV. Chatham, Tues¬ 
day, October 12, 1779.] 

-• t " • V 

“Last Wednesday morning, about 1 o’clock, A. M., made their escape from 

“ the Goodliope prison ship, in the North-River, nine captains and tvvo privates. 

“ Among the number w r as Capt. James Prince, w r ho has been confined four 
“ months, and having no prospect of being exchanged, concerted a plan, in con¬ 
junction with the other gentlemen, to make their escape, which they effected 
“in the following manner: They confined the mate, disarmed the centinels, 
“ and hoisted out the boat which was on deck; they brought off nine stands of 
“arms, one pair of pistols, and a sufficient quantity of ammunition, being 
“ determined not to be taken alive. They had scarce got clear of the ship 
.“.before, the alarm was given, when they were fired on by three different ships, 

“ but fortunately no person was hurt. Capt. Prince speaks in the highest 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIR 


23 


five months I was a witness and a partaker of the unspeak¬ 
able sufferings of that wretched class of American prisoners, 
who were there taught the utmost extent of human misery. 1 

I am now far advanced in years, and am the only sur¬ 
vivor (with the exception of two) of a crew of sixty-five 
men. I often pass some descendant of one of my old com¬ 
panions in captivity; and the recollection comes fresh to 
my mind, that his father was my comrade and fellow- 
sufferer in prison; that I saw him breathe his last upon the 
deck of the Jersey , and assisted at liis interment at the 
Wale bogt; circumstances probably wholly unknown to 
the person, the sight of whom had excited the recollection. 

In the month of May, 1782, I sailed from Providence, 
Rhode Island, as Master’s-mate, on board a privateer called 
the Chance. This was a new vessel, on her first cruise. 
She was owned in Providence, by* Messrs. Clarke & 
Nightingale, and manned chiefly from that place and 
vicinity. She was commanded by Captain Daniel Aborn , 2 
mounted twelve six-pound cannon, and sailed with a com¬ 
plement of about sixty-five men. She was officered as 
follows, viz.:— 

Daniel Aborn, of Pawtuxet, R. I., . . Commander. 

John Tillinghast , 3 Providence, . . First Lieutenant.' 


“ terms of Captain Charles Nelson, who commanded the prison ship, using the 
“ prisoners with a great deal of humanity, in particular to himself.” 

1 It is evident that an error has been made in this portion of the narrative. 
Captain Dring was captured in the middle of May, as he lias related in the 

following page. As will be seen hereafter, he was released in the early part of 
July, after a confinement of less than tioo months. 

2 A biographical sketch of Captain Daniel Aborn, Commander of the 
Chance , may be found in the Appendix, No. II. 

3 Lieutenant Tillinghast survived his imprisonment; and returned to 
Rhode Island with his comrades, when they were exchanged. - 


24 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


James Hawkins, 
Sylvester Riiodes , 1 
Thomas Bring, 
Joseph Bowen , 2 
Robert Carver , 3 
Joseph Arnold, 
John W. Gladding, 


Pawtuxet, 

do. 

Providence, 
do. 
do. . 
do. 
do. . 


Second Lieutenant. 
Sailing-master. 
Master’s-mate. 
Surgeon. 

Gunner. 

Carpenter. 

Prize-Master. 


The names of several other officers, in inferior stations, I 
do not recollect at this distant period of time. 

Our cruise was hut a short one; for in a few days after 
sailing, we were captured by the British ship-of-war Belisa¬ 
rius , Captain Graves, of twenty-six guns. 4 We were 
captured in the night; and our crew, having been conveyed 
on board the enemy’s ship, were put in irons the next 
morning. During the next day, the Belisarius made two 
other prizes,—a privateer brig from New London or Stou- 
ington, Connecticut, called the Samson , of twelve guns, 
commanded by Captain Brooks, and a merchant schooner 5 * * 8 
from Warren, Bhode Island, commanded by Captain 
Charles Collins. The crews of these two vessels, except 


1 A biographical sketch of Sailing-master Sylvester Rhodes, of the Chance , 
may be found in the Appendix, No. III. 

2 Doctor Bowen, as will be seen in Chapter XXI., was one of the last three 
survivors of the luckless crew of the Chance —all who were living when this 
narrative was originally prepared for the press. 

3 Robert Carver’s sickness, death, and burial have been narrated with so 
much feeling in Chapters VIII. and IX., that I need only refer the reader to 
the sad story which is there recorded. 

4 The Belisarius was an American-built vessel belonging to Salem, which had 

been captured by the enemy in August, 1781, and subsequently employed as a 
cruiser against the Americans. 

The history of this vessel being too extended for a foot-note, it has been 

transferred to the Appendix of this volume; and the reader is referred thereto 
(Appendix No. IX.) for information on that subject. 

8 The Swordfish. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


25 


tlie principal officers, were also put in irons. These cap¬ 
tures were all made on sounding’s south of Long Island. 
The putting their prisoners in irons was a necessary pre¬ 
caution on the part of the captors. We were kept confined 
in the cable tier of the ship, but were occasionally permitted 
to go on deck during the day, in small parties. The Beli- 
sarius , then having on board upwards of one hundred and 
thirty prisoners, soon made her way for New York, in 
company with her prizes. 1 

Our situation on board this ship* was not, indeed, a 
very enviable one; but, uncomfortable as it was, it was far 
preferable to that in which we soon expected to be placed, 
and which we soon found it was our doom to experience. 


1 The following, from Hugh Gaines’s Row- York Octette, will interest the 
reader, and, at the same time, show the name of the “merchant schooner from 
“ Warren,” of which mention is made:— 

[From the New- York Gazette, and the Weekly Mercury, No. 1590. New-York, 

Monday, May 20, 1782.] 

“Prizes sent in since our last. 

* * * * * * 

“ Sloop Swordfish, Collins, from Warren, in Connecticut, for the West-Indies, 
“ with Lumber. 

“Privateer Sloop Chance, of 12 Guns, and 60 Men, from Providence, Rhode 
“ Island. And 

“ The Samson of New London, (and not the Holker of Philadelphia, as men- 
“ tioned in some of To-Day’s Papers) by his Majesty’s Ship Bellisarius, Thomas 
“Graves, Esq; Commander.” 

****** 

The following, from Rivington’s paper,—the official organ of the Royal 
authorities,—affords some additional information:— 

[From the Royal Gazette, No. 589. New-York, Wednesday, May 22, 1782.] 

“ On Sunday last the privateer brig Sampson, belonging to New London, of 
“ 16 guns, and 120 men, was sent into this port by his Majesty’s ship Bellisa- 
“ rius, Richard Graves, Esq ; commander. 

“It is said that Captain Graves has brought in upwards of 200 rebel 
prisoners.” 

4 


26 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


The ship dropped her anchor abreast of the city, and 
signals were immediately made that she had prisoners on 
board. Soon after, two large gondolas or boats came along¬ 
side, in one of which was seated the notorious David. 
Sproat, the Commissary of Prisoners. This man was an 
American refugee, universally detested for the cruelty of 
his conduct, and the insolence of his manners. 1 

. We were then called on deck, and having been released 
from our irons, wej’e ordered into the boats. This being 
accomplished, we put oh* from the ship, under a guard of 
marines, and proceeded towards our much dreaded place of 
confinement, which was not then in sight. As we passed 
along the Long Island shore, against the tide, our progress 
was very slow. The prisoners were ordered by Sproat to 
apply themselves to the oars; but not feeling any particu¬ 
lar anxiety to expedite our progress, we declined obeying 
the command. His only reply was, “ I’ll soon fix you, my 
“ lads.” 

We at length doubled a point, and came in view of the 
Wale bogt, 2 where lay before us the black hulk of the Old 


1 David Sproat is said to have been a Scotchman, by birth. 

While the British held possession of Philadelphia, in 1777-8, he was a “ Ven- 
“ due-master” in that city; and the advertisements of his very frequent sales, 
at the City Vendue-store, between Chestnut and Walnut streets, on the east 
side of Front street—his regular place of business—and in other places, show 
that his business was extensive and profitable. 

When the enemy evacuated Philadelphia, in June, 1778, Sproat, in common 
with many others of his class, also left that city, and repaired to New York— 
a Loyal Refugee and a hungry expectant of official favor. 

He engaged in business, as a merchant, in the latter city, and, it is said, in 
June, 1779, he was appointed Commissary of Naval Prisoners—that office in 
which he became especially obnoxious to every American. 

He died, it is said, in Kirkcudbright, Scotland, on the first of October, 1799, 
aged sixty-four years. 

2 Although it is not strictly in accordance with the legitimate purposes of a 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


27 


Jersey, with her satellites, the three Hospital-ships; to 
which Sproat pointed, in an exulting manner, and said: 
“ There, Rebels, there is the cage for you.” Oh! how I 
wished to he standing alone with that inhuman wretch 
upon the green turf at that moment! 

As he spoke, my eye was instantly turned from the 
dreaded hulk; but a single glance had shown us a mul¬ 
titude of human beings moving upon her upper deck. 
Many were on her bowsprit, for the purpose, as I after¬ 
wards learned, of getting without the limits. 

It was then nearly sunset, and before we were alongside, 
every man, except the sentinels on the gangway, had dis¬ 
appeared. Previous to their being sent below, some of the 
prisoners, seeing us approaching, waved their hats, as if 
they would say, “ Approach us not,” and we soon found 
fearful reason for the warning. 

foot-note, the reader will probably pardon a passing allusion to the name of 
this very celebrated locality, now within the beautiful city of Brooklyn. 

It has been shown, at least to my satisfaction, by that very competent Dutch 
scholar, S. Alofsen, Esq., of Jersey City (.Literary World , No. 68, New York, 
May 20, 1848), that the locality in question was named by the Dutch soon after 
their arrival in this country, and previous to that of the Walloons; and that, 
in consequence, the latter could not have had any influence in the determina¬ 
tion of the name. 

It is also not less evident, from the same authority, that the name was taken, 
like that portion of the city of Amsterdam which bears the same name, from 
“ Een Waal”— a basin of a harbor, an inner harbor, and “Een Bogt”— a 
bend; and that, like the locality in Europe, it means, literally, what it is in 
fact, “The Bend of the Inner Harbor.” 


28 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


CHAPTER II. 


THE FIRST NIGHT ON BOARD. 

“ Hail, dark abode! what can with thee compare— 
“Heat, sickness, famine, death, and stagnant air. 

“ Pandora’s box, from whence all mischiefs flow, 

“ Here real found, torments mankind anew. 

“ Swift, from the guarded decks, we rushed along, 

“ And vainly sought repose, so vast our throng. 

“ Three hundred wretches here, denied all light, 

“ In crowded mansions, pass th’ infernal night. 

“ Some, for a bed their tatter’d vestments join; 

“ And some On chests, and some on floors recline. 

“ Shut from the blessings of the evening air, 

“ Pensive we lay, with mingled corpses there, 

“ Meagre and wan, and scorched with heat below; 

“ We looked like gliosts, ere death had made us so.” 


Freneau. 


E liad now reached the Accommodation-ladder, which 



I ? led to the gangway on the larboard side of the Jersey / 
and my station in the boat, as she hauled alongside, was 
exactly opposite to one of the air-ports in the side of the 
ship. From this aperture proceeded a strong current of 
foul vapor, of a kind to which I had been before accus¬ 
tomed while confined on board the Good Hope • the pecu¬ 
liarly disgusting smell of which I then recollected, after a 
lapse of three years. This was, however, far more foul and 
loathsome than any thing which I had ever met wdth on 
board that ship; and it produced a sensation of nausea far 
beyond my powers of description. 

Here, while waiting for orders to ascend on board, we 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


1>9 

were addressed by some of the prisoners, from the air-ports. 
We could not, however, discern their features; as it had 
now become so dark that we could not distinctly see any 
object in the interior ot the ship. After some questions 
whence we came, and respecting the manner of our capture, 
one of the prisoners said to me, that it was “ a lamentable 
“ thing to see so many young men in full strength, with the 
“ flush of health upon their countenances, about to enter 
“ that infernal place of abode.” He then added, in a tone 
and manner but little fitted to afford us much consolation : 
“ Death has no relish for such skeleton carcasses as we are, 
“ but he will now have a feast upon you fresh-comers.” 1 

1 The following extracts from one of the newspapers of the day will show 
the condition of the naval prisoners on board the Jersey , at the time when Cap¬ 
tain Duing was placed among them, as described in this chapter:— 

[From The Freeman's Journal: or, the North Amei'ican Intelligencer, Yol. II., 
Numb. LVI., Philadelphia, Wednesday, May 15, 1782.] 

“NEIV-LONDON, May 3. 

“ Sunday last a flag returned from New York which brought 20 Americans, 
“ w ho had been a long time on board a prison ship. About one thousand of 
“our countrymen remain in the prison ships at New York, great part of 
“ wTiom have been under close confinement for more than six months, and in 
“the most deplorable condition; many of them, seeing no prospect of a re- 
“ leasment, are entering into the British service, to elude the contagion with 
“which those ships are fraught. 

“ We learn that about 500 persons have died on board the different prison 
“ships at New York during the last five or six months, and that about 300 
“ are now sick.” 

The following, published during the same month, will throw additional 
light on this subject:— 

[From The Pennsylvania Packet or, the General Advei'tisei', Vol. XI., Numb. 899, 
Philadelphia, Tuesday, June 18, 1782.] 

“PROVIDENCE, May 25. 

“Sunday last a flag of truce returned here from New-York, and brought a 
“few prisoners. 

“ We learn that about 1100 Americans were on board the prison and hospital- 


30 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


After lanterns had been lighted on board, for our exam¬ 
ination, we ascended the Accommodation-ladder to the upper 
deck, and passed through the barricado door, where we 
were examined and our bags of clothes inspected. These 
we were permitted to retain, provided they contained no 
money or weapons of any kind. 

After each man had given his name and the capacity in 
which he had served on board the vessel in which he was 
captured, and the same had been duly registered, we were 
directed to pass through the other barricado door, on the 
starboard side, down the ladder leading to the main hatch¬ 
way. I was detained but a short time with the examina¬ 
tion, and was permitted to take my bag of clothes with me 
below; and passing down the hatchway, which was still 
open, through a guard of soldiers, I found myself among 
the wretched and disgusting multitude, a prisoner on board 
the Jersey 

The gratings were soon after placed over the hatchways, 
and fastened down for the night; and I seated myself on 
the deck, holding my bag with a firm grasp, fearful of 
losing it among the crowd. I had now ample time to 
reflect on the horrors of the scene, and to consider the pros¬ 
pect before me. It was impossible to find one of my former 
shipmates in the darkness; and I had, of course, no one 
with whom to speak during the long hours of that dreadful 
night. Surrounded by I knew not whom, except that they 
were beings as wretched as myself; with dismal sounds 
meeting my ears from every direction; a nauseous and 

“ ships at New-York, when the flag sailed from thence; and that from 6 to 7 
“ were generally buried every day.” 

1 The same forms were observed on the admission to the horrors of the Jersey , 
of Ebenezer Fox. (. Adventures , 99.) 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


31 


putrid atmosphere filling my lungs at every breath; and a 
stifled and suffocating heat, which almost deprived me of 
sense and even of life. 1 

Previous to leaving the boat, I had put on several addi¬ 
tional articles of apparel for the purpose of security; but I 
was soon compelled to disencumber myself of these, and 
was willing to hazard their loss for a relief from the intoler¬ 
able heat. 

The thought of sleep did not enter my mind; and at 
length, discovering a glimmering of light through the iron 
gratings of one of the air-ports, I felt that it would he 
indeed a luxury if I could but obtain a situation near that 
place, in order to gain one breath of the exterior air. 
Clinching my hand firmly around my bag, which I dared 
not leave, I began to advance towards the side of the ship; 
hut was soon greeted with the curses and imprecations of 
those who were lying on the deck, and whom I had dis¬ 
turbed in attempting to pass over them. I, however, perse¬ 
vered; and at length arrived near the desired spot, but 
found it already occupied, and no persuasion could induce 
a single individual to relinquish his place for a moment. 

Thus I passed the first dreadful night, waiting with sor¬ 
rowful forebodings for the coming day. The dawn at 
length appeared, hut came only to present new scenes of 
wretchedness, disease, and woe. I found myself surrounded 

1 The reader who shall feel sufficiently interested, will find in the Appendix 
(No. VI.) an interesting letter from Captain Alexander Coffin, Junior, to 
Doctor Samuel L. Mitchill, on “ The Destructive Operation of foul Air, tainted 
“ Provisions, bad Water, and personal Filthiness, upon Human Constitutions; 
“ exemplified in the unparallelled Cruelty of the British to the American Cap¬ 
tives at New-Tork, during the Revolutionary War, on Board their Prison and 
“ Hospital-Ships.” In that letter, the subject here referred to was fully dis¬ 
cussed ; and some items of interest were presented which are not found else¬ 
where. 


32 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


by a crowd of strange and unknown forms, with the lines 
of death and famine npon their faces. My former ship¬ 
mates were all lost and mingled among the multitude, and 
it was not until we were permitted to ascend the deck, at 
eight o’clock, that I could discern a single individual whom 
I had ever seen before. Pale and meagre, the throng came 
upon deck, to view for a few moments the morning sun, 
and then to descend again, to pass another day of misery 
and wretchedness. 1 

1 “ The first night on board” has been graphically described by Rev. Thomas 
Andros, in his Old Jersey Captive (9, 10), as well as by Ebenezer Fox, in his 
Adventures in the Revolutionary War (99, 100). 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 33 


CHAPTER III. 

THE FIRST DAY. 

“ Dull flew the hours, till, from the East displayed, 

“ Sweet morn dispelled the horrors of the shade. 

“ On every side dire objects met the sight, 

“ And pallid forms, and murders of the night: 

“ The dead were past their pain; the living groan, 

“ Nor dare to hope another morn their own. 

“But what to them is morn’s delightful ray? 

“ Sad and distressful as the close of day, 

“O’er distant streams appears the dewy green, 

“And leafy trees on mountain tops are seen. 

“ But they no groves nor grassy mountains tread, 

“ Marked for a longer journey to the dead.” 

Freneau. 

I FTER passing the weary and tedious night, to whose 
±\- accumulated horrors I have but slightly alluded, I was 
permitted to ascend to the upper deck, where other objects, 
even more disgusting and loathsome, met my view. I 
found myself surrounded by a motley crew of wretches, 
with tattered garments and pallid visages, who had hurried 
from below for the luxury of a little fresh air. Among 
them, I saw one ruddy and healthful countenance, and 
recognized the features of one of my late fellow-prisoners 
on board the Belisarius. But how different did he appear 
from the group around him, who had here been doomed to 
combat with disease and death. Men who, shrunken and 
decayed as they stood around him, had been, but a short 
time before, as strong, as healthful, and as vigorous as him- 



u 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


self;—men who had breathed the pure breezes of the ocean, 
or danced lightly in the flower-scented air of the meadow 
and the hill, and had from thence been hurried into the 
pent-up air of a crowded Prison-ship, pregnant with putrid 
fever, foul with deadly contagion; here to linger out the 
tedious and weary day, the disturbed and anxious night; to 
count over the days and weeks and months of a wearying 
and degrading captivity, unvaried but by new scenes of 
painful suffering, and new inflictions of remorseless cru¬ 
elty—their brightest hope and their daily prayer, that 
death would not long delav to release them from their 
torments. 1 

In the wretched groups around me, I saw but too faithful 
a picture of our own almost certain fate; and found that 
all which we had been taught to fear of this terrible place 
of abode was more than realized. 

During the night, in addition to my other sufferings, I 
had been tormented with what I supposed to be vermin; 
and on coming upon deck, I found that a black silk hand¬ 
kerchief, which I wore around my neck, was completely 
spotted with them. Although this had often been men¬ 
tioned as one of the miseries of the place, yet, as I had never 
before been in a situation to witness any thing of the kind, 


1 The condition of the American naval prisoners had attracted the careful 
attention of General Washington, long before the period referred to in the 
text; but the peculiarity of their character and of the circumstances of the 
country prevented the extension of any relief. They were not military prison¬ 
ers, nor were they, generally, prisoners taken while in the service of the Con¬ 
tinent, and, therefore, entitled to the special protection of the Congress or of 
General Washington. On the contrary, they were principally privateers, taken 
while engaged in private adventures, and responsible directly to their owners. 
These causes, among others, operated against exchanges, prolonged their cap¬ 
tivity, and increased their sufferings, as will be seen by reference to the papers 
which have been reproduced in Appendix I. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


35 


the sight made me shudder; as I knew, at once, that so 
long as I should remain on hoard, these loathsome crea¬ 
tures would be my constant companions and unceasing 
tormentors . 1 

The next disgusting object which met my sight was a 
man suffering with the small-pox; and in a few minutes I 
found myself surrounded by many others laboring under 
the same disease, in every stage of its progress . 2 

As I had never had the small-pox, it became necessary 
that I should be inoculated; and there being no proper 
person on board to perform the operation, I concluded to 
act as my own physician. On looking about me, I soon 
found a man in the proper stage of the disease, and desired 
him to favor me with some of the matter for the purpose. 
He readily complied; observing that it was a necessary 
precaution on my part, and that my situation was an excel¬ 
lent one in regard to diet, as I might depend upon finding 
that extremely moderate . 

The only instrument which I could procure, for the pur¬ 
pose of inoculation, was a common pin. With this, having 
scarified the skin of my hand, between the thumb and fore¬ 
finger, I applied the matter and bound up my hand. The 
next morning, I found that the wound had begun to fester; 
a sure symptom that the application had taken effect. 


1 See, also, Rev. Thomas Andros’s description of his own condition (Old 
Jersey Captive , 62), and those of Captain Alexander Coffin, Junior (Letter to 
Doctor Samuel L. Mitchill, September 4, 1807, Appendix VI.); Rev. Mr. 
Sherburne ( Memoirs , 107, 116, 117, 119, 123); Ebenezer Fox (Adventures in 
the Revolutionary War, 143-146); Mr. Palmer (Letter to Mr. Drowne, Febru¬ 
ary 20, 1865, Appendix V.). 

2 The prevalence of this loathsome disease was alluded to by Rev. Thomas 
Andros (Old Jersey Captive, 12,21), and by Captain Alexander Coffin, Junior 
(Letter to Doctor Samuel L. Mitchill, September 4, 1807, Appendix VI.). 


36 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


Many of my former shipmates took the same precaution, 
and were inoculated during the day. In my case the disor¬ 
der came on but lightly, and its progress was favourable; 
and without the least medical advice or attention, by the 
blessing of Divine Providence, I soon recovered. 

Since that time, more than forty years have passed away; 
but the scar on my hand is still plainly to be seen. I often 
look upon it when alone, and it brings fresh to my recollec¬ 
tion the fearful scene in which I was then placed, the cir¬ 
cumstances by which it was attended, and the feelings 
which I then experienced. 

As the prisoners sent from the Belisarius had not been 
formed into regular messes, and numbered according to the 
regulations of the ship, they were unable to draw their 
share of provisions for the day in time for cooking. They 
had now all fasted for nearly twenty*four hours; and knew 
not in what manner to obtain a morsel of food. For my 
own part, it fortunately happened that, at the time of our 
capture, I had taken the precaution to put a few biscuits 
into my bag; and not having had occasion to use them 
while on board the Belisarius , I was now furnished with 
the means of satisfying, in some degree, the cravings of my 
own hunger; and was also enabled to distribute a portion 
of bread among some of my comrades. 

In the course of the day, after the regulations of the ship 
had been made known to us, we divided ourselves into 
messes of six men each; and on the next morning, we drew 
our scanty pittance of food with the rest of our com¬ 
panions . 1 

1 The division of the prisoners into messes of six each is referred to, also, by 
Rev. Mr. Sherburne in his Memoirs , 108; and by Mr. Fox in his Adventures in 
the Revolutionary War , 100. 


JEK&EY PRISON-SHIP. 


37 


CHAPTER IV. 


THE GUN-ROOM AND MESSES. 

“ But, such a train of endless woes abound, 

“ So many mischiefs in these hulks are found, 

“ That, of them all, the memory to prolong, 

“ Would swell too high the honors of our song. 

“ Hunger and thirst, to work our woe, combine, 
“ And mouldy bread, and flesh of rotten swine; 

“ The mangled carcass, and the battered brain, 

“ The doctor’s poison, and the Captain’s cane, 

“ The soldier’s musket, and the Steward’s debt, 

“ The evening shackle, and the noon-day threat.” 


Freneau. 


N the arrival of prisoners on board the Jersey, the first 



\J thing necessary to be done was, as soon as possible, to 
form, or be admitted into, some regular mess . 1 On the day 
of a prisoner’s arrival, it was impossible for him to procure 
any food; and even on the second day, he could not pro¬ 
cure any in time to have it cooked. ~No matter how long 
he had fasted, nor how acute might be his sufferings from 
hunger and privation, his petty tyrants would on no occa¬ 
sion deviate from their rule of delivering the prisoner’s 
morsel at a particular hour, and at no other. And the 
poor, half-famished wretch must absolutely wait until the 
coming day, before his pittance of food could be boiled 
with that of his fellow-captives . 2 It was therefore most 
prudent for a newly arrived prisoner to gain admittance 
into some old established mess (which was not attended 

1 Vide page 36, note, ante. 

2 See, also, Fox’s Adventures in the Revolutionary War, 100, 101. 


38 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


with much difficulty, as death was daily providing vacan¬ 
cies), for he would thereby be associated with those who 
were acquainted with the mode of procuring their allow¬ 
ance in time, and be also protected from many impositions, 
to which, as a stranger, he otherwise would be liable during 
the first days of his confinement. 

The cruel tyrants, to whose petty sway we were subjected 
on board of this hulk, knew no distinction among their 
prisoners. Whether taken on the land or on the ocean, in 
arms or from our own firesides, it was the same to them. 
No matter in what rank or capacity a prisoner might have 
been known before his capture, no distinction was here 
made; we were all “Rebels” Our treatment, our fare, its 
allowance, and its quality, were the same. They did not, 
of course, interfere in our private arrangements; but left 
us to manage our affairs in our own way . 1 

The extreme after part of the ship, between decks, was 
called The Gun-room . 2 Although no distinction was 
made by our masters, yet those among the prisoners who 
had been officers previous to their capture, had taken pos¬ 
session of this room as their own place of abode; and, from 
custom, it was considered as belonging exclusively to them. 
As an officer, I found my w r ay into this apartment; and 
with such of my late companions as had been officers, 
was received with civility by those who were already in 
possession of it, who humanely tendered us such little 
services as were in their power to offer. We soon became 
incorporated with them ; and having formed ourselves into 
messes, as nearly as possible according to our grades, we 
were considered as a part of this family of sufferers. 

1 See, also, Fox’s Adventures in the Revolutionary War, 101. 

2 See Figure 3. 


JERSE Y PRISON-SH1P. 


39 


The different messes of the prisoners were all numbered; 
and every morning, at nine o’clock, the Steward and his 
assistants having taken their station at the window in the 
bulkhead of the Steward’s room , 1 the bell was rung, and 
the messes called in rotation. 

An individual belonging to each mess stood read}q in 
order to be in time to answer when its number was called. 
As the number of each mess was spoken, its allowance was 
handed from the window to the person waiting to receive 
it; the rations being all prepared previous to the hour 
of delivery. The prisoner must receive for his mess what¬ 
ever was offered; and, be its quantity or quality what it 
might, no alterations or change was ever allowed. We, as 
prisoners, were allowed each day for six men what was 
equal in quantity to the rations of four men, at full allow¬ 
ance. That is, each prisoner was furnished in quantity 
with two-thirds of the allowance of a seaman in the British 
Navy , 2 which was as follows :— 

On Sunday —One pound of biscuit, one pound of pork, and half a 
pint of peas. 

On Monday —One pound of biscuit, one pint of oatmeal, and two 
ounces of butter. 

On Tuesday —One pound of biscuit and two pounds of beef. 

On Wednesday —One and a half pounds of flour and two ounces 
of suet. 

On Thursday —The same as Sunday. 

On Friday —The same as Monday. 

On Saturday —The same as Tuesday . 3 

1 See Figure 3. 

2 The same rule was observed in the Mill-prison in England, where the 
American prisoners were confined; and, as already stated, it was made the 
subject of a Parliamentary inquiry. 

3 See, also, Fox’s Adventures in the Revolutionary War , 101, 102. 


40 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


Hence, as prisoners, whenever we had onr due, we 
received, as they said, two-thirds of the ordinary allow¬ 
ance of their own seamen, and even this was of a very 
inferior quality. We never received any butter; but, in its 
stead, they gave us a substance which they called sweet 
oil. 1 This was so rancid, and even putrid, that the smell 
of it, accustomed as we were to every thing foul and 
nauseous, was more than we could endure. We, however, 
always received and gave it to the poor, half-starved French¬ 
men who were on board, who took it gratefully, and swal¬ 
lowed it with a little salt and their wormy bread. Oil of a 
similar quality was given to the prisoners on board the 
Good Hope, where I was confined in 1779. There, how¬ 
ever, it was of some use to us, as we burnt it in our lamps; 
being there indulged with the privilege of using lights until 
nine o’clock at night. But here it Avas of no service; as 
we Avere alloAved on board the Jersey no light or fire, on any 
occasion Avhatever. 

1 Mr. Fox appears to have received butter while he was a prisoner. He 
said, while describing the food of the prisoners: “ The butter, the reader will 
“not suppose was the real ‘Goshen;’ and had it not been for its adhesive 
“ properties to retain together the particles of the biscuit, that had been so 
“ riddled by the worms as to lose all their attraction of cohesion, we should 
“ have considered it no desirable addition to our viands.” ( Adventures , 103.) 


\ 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


41 


CHAPTER Y. 


THE COOK'S QUARTERS. 

“ Why, Britain, raged thy insolence and scorn? 

“ Why burst thy vengeance on the wretch forlorn ? 

“ The cheerless captive, to slow death consigned, 

“ Chilled with keen frosts, in prison glooms contined, 

“Of hope bereft, by thy vile minions curst, 

“ With hunger famished, and consumed by thirst, 

“ Without one friend,—when Death’s last horror stung,— 
“Rolled the wild eye, and gnawed the anguished tongue.” 


Humphreys. 


AVLNX4 received our daily rations, which were fre- 



11 quently not delivered to us in time to be boiled on the 
same day, we were consequently often under the necessity 
of fasting for the next twenty-four hours, if we had not a 
stock of provisions on hand; or were obliged at times to 
consume our food in its raw state, when the cravings of 
hunger could no longer be resisted. 

The cooking for the great mass of the prisoners was done 
under the Forecastle, or, as it was usually called, the 
Galley, in a boiler or “Great Copper,” which was enclosed 
in brick-work, about eight feet square. This Copper was 
large enough to contain two or three hogsheads of water. 
It was made in a square form, and divided into two sep¬ 
arate compartments by a partition. In one side of the 
Copper, the peas and oatmeal for the prisoners were boiled, 
which was done in fresh water. In the other side, the 
meat was boiled. This side of the boiler was tilled with 


6 


42 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


salt water from alongside of the ship, by which means the 
copper became soon corroded, and consequently poisonous: 
the fatal consequences of which are so obvious that I need 
not enlarge upon the subject. 1 

After the daily rations had been furnished to the different 
messes, the portion of each mess was designated by a tally 
fastened to it by a string. Being thus prepared, every ear 
was anxiously waiting for the summons of the Cook's bell. 
As soon as this was heard to sound, the persons having 
charge of the different portions of food thronged to the 
Galley; and in a few minutes after, hundreds of tallies 
were seen hanging over the sides of the brick-work by their 
respective strings, each eagerly watched by some individual 
of the mess, who always waited to receive it. The meat 
was suffered thus to remain in the boiler but a certain 
time; and when this had elapsed, the cook’s bell was again 
rung, and the pittance of food must be immediate^ re¬ 
moved. Whether sufficiently cooked or not, it could remain 
no longer. The proportions of peas and oatmeal belonging 
to each mess were measured out from the Copper after they 
were boiled. 2 

Among the emaciated crowd of living skeletons who had 
remained on board for any length of time, the Cook was 
the only person who appeared to have much flesh upon his 
bones. He perhaps contrived to obtain a greater quantity 
of provisions than any of ourselves; but if they were of 
the same quality with our own, it is obvious that his plump¬ 
ness of appearance could not be the result of good living. 


1 See, also, Fox’s Adventures, 105, 106; Sherburne’s Memoirs , 108. 

2 Mr. Fox referred to the imperfect cooking of the food (Adventures, 1C6,107). 
Mr. Sherburne, also, alluded to it {Memoirs, 108); but he appears to have 
attributed it to the use of green wood for fuel. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


48 


He had liimself been formerly a prisoner; hut seeing no 
prospect of ever being liberated, he had entered into his 
present capacity; and his mates and scullions had followed 
his example, they having also been prisoners at first. 1 I 
attributed the appearance of our Cook merely to the fact 
that he was more content with his situation than any other 
person on board appeared to he. He indeed possessed a 
considerable share of good humor; and although often 
cursed by the prisoners (but not in his hearing) for his 
refusals to comply with their requests, yet, considering the 
many applications which were made to him for favors, and 
the encumbrances which were around “his Palace,” he 
really displayed a degree of fortitude and forbearance far 
beyond what most men would have been capable of exhib¬ 
iting under similar circumstances. lie did, indeed, at 
times, when his patience w T as exhausted, “ make the hot 
water dy among us;” but a reconciliation was usually 
effected with but little difficulty. 

In consequence of the poisonous effects produced by the 
use of the sea-w T ater for boiling our meat in the Great Cop¬ 
per, many of the different messes had obtained permission 
from “ His Majesty the Cook” to prepare their own rations, 
separate from the general mess in the great boiler. For 
this purpose, a great number of spikes and hooks had been 
driven into the brick-work by which the boiler was en¬ 
closed, on which to suspend their tin kettles. As soon as 
we were permitted to go on deck in the morning, some one 
took the tin kettle belonging to the mess, with as much 
water and such splinters of wood as we had been able to 

1 Rev. Mr. Sherburne also referred to the fact that the Cooks were prison¬ 
ers, who volunteered to do that duty; and he stated that they were favored 
in the exchange ( Memoir *, 108). 


u 


KECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


procure during the previous day, and carried them to the 
Galley; and there, having suspended his kettle on one of 
the hooks or spikes in the brick-work, he stood ready to 
kindle his little fire as soon as the^Cook or his mates would 
permit it to be done. It required but little fuel to boil 
our food in these kettles; for their bottoms were made in a 
concave form, and the fire was applied directly in the cen¬ 
tre. And let the remaining brands be ever so small, they 
were all carefully quenched; and having been conveyed 
below, were kej3t for use on a future occasion. Much con¬ 
tention often arose through our endeavors to obtain places 
around the brick-work; but these disputes were always 
promptly decided by the Cook, from whose mandate there 
was no appeal. Ho sooner had one prisoner completed the 
cooking for his mess, than another supplicant stood ready 
to take his place; and they thus continued to throng 
the Galley, during the whole time that the fire was 
allowed to remain under the Great Copper, unless it 
happened to be the pleasure of the Cook to drive them 
away. 

I have said that but little wood was requisite for our 
purpose; but the great difficulty was to procure a sufficient 
quantity of fresh water for this manner of cooking. The 
arrangement by which we effected this was, by agreeing 
that each man in the mess should, during the day previous, 
procure and save as much water as possible; as no prisoner 
was ever allowed to take more than a pint at one time 
from the scuttle-cask in which it was kept. Every individ¬ 
ual was therefi re obliged each day to save a little for the 
common use of the mess on the next morning. By this 
arrangement, the mess to which I belonged had always a 
small quantity of fresh water in store, which we carefully 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


45 


kept, witli a few other necessaries, in a chest which we 
nsed in common. 

During the whole period of my confinement, I never 
partook of any food which had been cooked in the Great 
Copper. It is to this fact that I have always attributed, 
under Divine Providence, the degree of health which I 
preserved while on board. I was thereby also, at times, 
enabled to procure several necessary and comfortable 
things, such as tea, sugar, etc.; so that, wretchedly as I was 
situated, my condition was far preferable to that of most of 
my fellow-sufferers—which has ever been with me a theme 
of sincere and lasting gratitude to Heaven. 

But terrible indeed was the condition of most of my 
fellow-captives. Memory still brings before me those ema¬ 
ciated beings, moving from the Galley with their wretched 
pittance of meat; each creeping to the spot where his mess 
w^ere assembled, to divide it with a group of haggard and 
sickly creatures, their garments hanging in tatters around 
their meagre limbs, and the hue of death upon their care¬ 
worn faces. By these it was consumed with their scanty 
remnants of bread, which was often mouldy and filled with 
worms. And even from this vile fare they would rise up 
in torments from the cravings of unsatisfied hunger and 
thirst. 

Ho vegetables of any description were ever afforded us 
by our inhuman keepers. Good Heaven! what a luxury 
to us would then have been even a few potatoes—if but the 
very leavings of the swine of our country. 1 

1 See, also, Mr. Fox’s Adventures , 107. 


46 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


CHAPTER VI. 


OUR SITUATION. 

“ Oh! my heart sinks, my trembling eyes o’erflow, 

“ When memory paints the picture of their woe. 

“ Where my poor countrymen in bondage wait 
“ The slow enfranchisement of lingering fate; 

“ Greeting with groans the unwelcome night’s return, 
“ While rage and shame their gloomy bosoms burn; 

“ And chiding, every hour, the slow-paeed sun, 

“ Endure their woes till all his race was run. 

“ No eye to mark their sufferings with a tear, 

“ No friend to comfort, and no hope to cheer. 

“ And like the dull unpitied brutes, repair 
“ To stalls as wretched and as coarse a hire; 

“ Thank Heaven, one day of misery was o’er, 

“ And sink to sleep, and wish to wake no more.” 


Day. 


EFORE attempting a more minute account of our man- 



lJ ner of living on board the Jersey , it may be proper to 
add a further description of the ship. The Quarter-deck 
covered about one-fourtli part of the upper deck, from the 
stern ; and the Forecastle extended from the stem, about 
one-eighth part of the length of the upper deck. Sentinels 
were stationed on the gangways on each side of the upper 
deck leading from the Quarter-deck to the Forecastle. 
These gangways were about five feet wide; and here the 
prisoners were allowed to pass and repass. The interme¬ 
diate space from the bulkhead of the Quarter-deck to the 
Forecastle was filled with long spars or booms, and called 
the Spar-deck. The temporary covering afforded by the 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


47 


Spar-deck was ot the greatest benefit to the prisoners, as it 
served to shield us from the rain and the scorching rays of 
the sun. It was here also that our movables were placed 
while we were engaged in cleaning the lower decks. The 
Spar-deck was also the only place where we were allowed 
to walk, and was therefore continually crowded through 
the day by those of the prisoners who were upon deck. 
Owing to the great number of the prisoners, and the small 
space afforded us by the Spar-deck, it was our custom to 
walk in platoons, each facing the same way, and turning at 
the same time. The Derrick, for taking in wood, water, 
etc., stood on the starboard side of the Spar-deck. On the 
larboard side of the ship was placed the Accommodation- 
ladder, leading from the gangway to the water. At the 
head of this ladder a sentinel was also stationed. 

The head of the Accommodation-ladder was near the 
door of the barricado, which extended across the front of 
the Quarter-deck, and projected a few feet beyond the sides 
of the ship. The barricado was about ten feet high, and 
was pierced with loop-holes for musketry, in order that the 
prisoners might be fired on from behind it, if occasion 
should require. 

The regular crew* of the ship consisted of a Captain, tw T o 
Mates, a Steward, a Cook, and about twelve sailors. 1 The 
crew of the ship had no communication vdiatever with the 
prisoners. No prisoner w T as ever permitted to pass through 
the barricado door, except when it v r as required that the 
messes should be examined and regulated; in which case, 
each man had to pass through, and go down betw r een decks, 
and there remain until the examination was completed. 
None of the guard or of the ship’s crew ever came among 

1 Sec, also, Mr. Fox’s Adventure s, 114. 


48 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


tlie prisoners while I was on board. I never saw one of 
her officers or men, except when they were passing in their 
boat, to or from the stern-ladder. 

On the two decks below, where we were confined at 
night, our chests, boxes, and bags were arranged in two 
lines along the deck, about ten feet distant from the sides 
of the ship; thus leaving as wide a space unencumbered in 
the middle part of each deck, fore and aft, as our crowded 
situation would admit. Between these tiers of chests, etc., 
and the sides of the ship, was the place where the different 
messes assembled; and some of the messes were also sep¬ 
arated from their neighbors by a temporary partition of 
chests, etc. Some individuals of the different messes 
usually slept on the chests, in order to preserve their con¬ 
tents from being plundered during the night. 1 

At night, the spaces in the middle of the deck were 
much encumbered with hammocks; but these were always 
removed in the morning. 

The prisoners, as before stated, were confined on the two 
main decks below. My usual place of abode being in the 
Gun-room, on the centre deck, I was never under the 
necessity of descending to the lower dungeon; and during 
my confinement, I had no disposition to visit it. It was 
inhabited by the most wretched in appearance of all our 
miserable company. From the disgusting and squalid 
appearance of the groups which I saw ascending the stairs 
which led to it, it must have been more dismal, if possible, 
than that part of the hulk where I resided. Its occupants 
appeared to be mostly foreigners, who had seen and sur¬ 
vived every variety of human suffering. The faces of many 

1 Rev. Mr. Sherburne (Memoirs, 107) also alludes to this insecurity of pri¬ 
vate property among the prisoners. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


49 

of them were covered with dirt and filth ; their long hair 
and beards matted and foul; clothed in rags, and with 
scarcely a sufficient supply of these to cover their disgust¬ 
ing bodies. Many among them possessed no clothing 
except the remnants of those garments which they wore 
when first brought on board; and were unable to procure 
even any materials for patching these together, when they 
had been worn to tatters by constant use; and had this 
been in their power, they had not the means of procuring a 
piece of thread, or even a needle. Some, and indeed many 
of them, had not the means of procuring a razor or an 
ounce of soap. 

Their beards were occasionally reduced by each other 
with a pair of shears or scissors; but this operation, though 
conducive to cleanliness, was not productive of much im¬ 
provement in their personal, appearance. The skins of 
many of them were discolored by continual washing in 
salt water, added to the circumstance that it was impossible 
for them to wash their linen in any other manner than by 
laying it on the deck, and stamping on it with their feet, 
after it had been immersed in salt water, their bodies 
remaining naked during the operation. 

To men thus situated, every thing like ordinary cleanli¬ 
ness was impossible. Much that was disgusting in their 
appearance undoubtedly originated from neglect, which 
long confinement had rendered habitual, until it created a 
confirmed indifference to personal appearance. 1 

As soon as the gratings had been fastened over the hatch¬ 
ways for the night, we generally went to our sleeping-places. 
It was, of course, always desirable to obtain a station as 

1 This description of the inhabitants of the lower deck of the Jersey agrees 
with that given of them by Mr. Fox ( Adventures , 107, 108). 

7 


50 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


near as possible to the side of the ship, and, if practicable, 
in the immediate vicinity of one of the air-ports, as this not 
only afforded us a better air, but also rendered us less liable 
to be trodden upon by those who were moving about the 
decks during the night. 

But silence was a stranger to our dark abode. There 
w r ere continual noises during the night. The groans of the 
sick and the dying; the curses poured out by the weary and 
exhausted upon our inhuman keepers; the restlessness 
caused by the suffocating heat and the confined and poi¬ 
soned air, mingled with the wild and incoherent ravings of 
delirium, were the sounds which every night were raised 
around us in all directions. 1 Such was our ordinary situa¬ 
tion ; but, at times, the consequences of our crowded condi¬ 
tion were still more terrible, and proved fatal to many of 
our number in a single night. 

But, strange as it may appear, notwithstanding all the 
maladies and sufferings which were there endured, I knew 
many who had been inmates of that abode for two years, 
who were apparently w T ell. They had, as they expressed it, 
“ been through the furnace, and became seasoned Most 
of these, however, were foreigners, who appeared to have 
abandoned all hope of ever being exchanged, and had 
become quite indifferent in regard to their place of abode. 3 

But far different was the condition of that portion of our 
number who w^ere natives of the Northern States. These 
formed by far the most numerous class of the prisoners. 
Most of these were young men, w T ho had been induced, by 
necessity or inclination, to try the perils of the sea, and had, 
in many instances, been captured soon after leaving their 

1 See, also, Rev. Mr. Andros’s Old Jersey Captive , 18. 

2 The same circumstance was related by Mr. Fox in his Adventures, 108. 


JERSEY PRISON-SIIIP. 


51 


homes, and during their first voyage. After they had been 
here immured, the sudden change in their situation was 
like a sentence of death. Many a one was crushed down 
beneath that sickness of the heart, so well described by the 
Poet— 


-“Night and day, 

“ Brooding on what he had been, what he was; 

“ ’Twas more than he could bear. His longing fits 
“ Thickened upon him. His desire for Home 
“ Became a madness. ” 

These poor creatures had, in many instances, been plun¬ 
dered of their wearing apparel by their captors. And here, 
the dismal and disgusting objects by which they were sur¬ 
rounded, the vermin which infested them, their vile and 
loathsome food, and what, with them , was far from being 
the lightest of their trials, their ceaseless longing after their 
homes , and the scenes to which they had been accustomed; 
all combined to produce a wonderful effect upon them. 
Dejection and anguish were soon visible in their counte¬ 
nances. They became dismayed and terror-stricken; and 
many of them absolutely died that most awful of all human 
deaths, the effects of a broken heart. 

“ Denied the comforts of a dying bed, 

“ With not a pillow to support the head : 

“ How could they else but pine and grieve and sigh, 

“ Detest that wretched life, and wish to die ?” 



52 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


CHAPTER VII. 


THE WORKING-PARTY. 

“ No masts or sails these crowded ships adorn, 

“ Dismal to view, neglected and forlorn; 

“ Here, mighty ills oppress’d the imprison’d throng, 

“ Dull were our slumbers, and our nights were long— 
“ From morn to eve, along the decks we lay, 

“ Scorch’d into fevers by the solar ray.” 


Freneau. 


CUSTOM had long been established, that certain labor 



A which it was necessary should be performed daily, 
should be done by a company, usually called the “Work¬ 
ing-party.” This consisted of about twenty able-bodied 
men, chosen from among the prisoners, and was com¬ 
manded, in daily rotation, by those of our number who 
had formerly been officers of vessels. The commander of 
the party for the day bore the title of “ Boatswain.” The 
members of the Working-party received, as a compensation 
for their services, a full allowance of provisions, and a half 
pint of rum each, per day, with the privilege of going on 
deck early in the morning, to breathe the pure air. This 
privilege alone was a sufficient compensation for all the 
duty which was required of them. 

Their routine of service was to wash down that part of 
the upper deck and gangways where the prisoners were 
permitted to walk; to spread the awning, and to hoist 
on board the wood, water, and other supplies, from the 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


53 


boats in wliicl 1 the same were brought alongside the 
ship. 

When the prisoners ascended the upper deck, in the 
morning, if the day was fair, each carried up his hammock 
and bedding, which were all placed upon the spar-deck, or 
booms. The Working-party then took the sick and disabled 
who remained below, and placed them in the bunks pre¬ 
pared for them upon the centre deck; they then, if any of 
the prisoners had died during the night, carried up the dead 
bodies, and laid them upon the booms; after which, it was 
their duty to wash down the main decks below; during 
which operation, the prisoners remained upon the upper 
deck, except such as chose to go below, and volunteer their 
services in the performance of this duty. 

Around the railing of the hatchway leading from the 
centre to the lower deck, w r ere placed a number of large 
tubs for the occasional use of the prisoners during the night, 
and as general receptacles of filth. Although these were 
indispensably necessary to us, yet they were highly offen¬ 
sive. Nevertheless, on account of our crowded situation, 
many of the prisoners were obliged to sleep in their imme¬ 
diate vicinity. It was a part of the duty of the Working- 
party to carry these tubs on deck, at the time when the 
prisoners ascended in the morning, and to return them 
between decks in the afternoon. 

Our beds and clothing were kept on deck, until it was 
nearly the hour when we were to be ordered below for the 
night. During this interval, the chests, etc., on the lower 
decks being piled up, and the hammocks removed; the 
decks washed and cleared of all encumbrances, except the 
poor wretches who lay in the bunks; it was quite refresh¬ 
ing, after the suffocating heat and foul vapors of the night, 


54 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


to walk between decks. There was then some circulation 
of air through'the ship, and, for a few hours, our existence 
was in some degree tolerable. 1 

About two hours before sunset, the order was generally 
issued for the prisoners to carry their hammocks, etc., 
below. After this had been done, we were allowed either 
to retire between decks, or to remain above until sunset, 
according to our own pleasure. Every thing which we 
could do conducive to cleanliness having then been per¬ 
formed, if we ever felt any thing like enjoyment in this 
wretched abode, it was during this brief interval, when we 
breathed the cool air of the approaching night, and felt the 
luxury of our evening pipe. But short indeed was this 
period of repose. The Working-party were soon ordered 
to carry the tubs below, and we prepared to descend to our 
gloomy and crowded dungeons. This was no sooner done, 
than the gratings were closed over the hatchways, the sen¬ 
tinels stationed, and we left to sicken and pine beneath our 
accumulated torments; with our guards above crying aloud, 
through the long night, “ All's well!” 2 


1 Reference was also made to this Working-party by Mr. Fox ( Adventures, 
109, 110), and by the Rev. Mr. Sherburne (Memoirs, 108). The latter stated 
that these Working-parties were favored when exchanges were made. 

2 See, also, Ebenezer Fox’s Adventures, 110, 111. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


55 


CHAPTER VIII. 

THE HOSPITAL-SHIPS AND NURSES. 


“ Thou Scorpion , fatal to the crowded throng, 

“ Dire theme of horror and Plutonian song, 

“ Requir’st my lay. Thy sultry decks I know, 

“ And all the torments that exist below.” 

* * * * * 

“ The briny wave that Hudson’s bosom fills, 

“ Drained through her bottom in a thousand rills, 

“ Rotten and old, replete with sighs and groans, 

“ Scarce on the waters, she sustained her bones; 

“ Here, doomed to toil, or founder in the tide, 

“ At the moist pumps, incessantly we plied. 

“ Here, doomed to starve, like famished dogs, we tore 
“ The scant allowance which our tyrants bore.” 

Freneau. 


riHIE Jersey was used as a place of conlinement for 
A seamen only. I never knew r an instance of a soldier 
being sent on board her as a prisoner. During my confine¬ 
ment in the summer of 1782, the average number of pris¬ 
oners on board the Jersey was about one thousand. They 
were composed of the crews of vessels of all nations with 
w T hom the English w r ere then at war. By far the greater 
number, how T ever, had been captured in American vessels. 

The three Hospital-ships, Scorpion , Strombolo , and 
Hunter , were used for the reception of the sick from the 
principal hulk. 1 The Jersey at length became so crowded,, 
and the mortality on board her increased so rapidly, that 


1 See, also, Sherburne’s Memoirs , 108. 


50 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


sufficient room could not be found on board the Hospital- 
ships for their reception. Under these dreadful circum¬ 
stances, it was determined to prepare a part of the upper 
deck of the Jersey for the reception of the sick from 
between decks. Bunks were therefore erected on the after 
part of the upper deck, on the larboard side, where those 
who felt the symptoms of approaching sickness could lie 
down, in order to be found by the nurses as soon as possi¬ 
ble, and be thereby also prevented from being trampled 
upon by the other prisoners, to which they were continually 
liable while lying on the deck. 

I have stated that the number of the Hospital-ships was 
three. One of them, however, was used rather as a Store- 
ship and depot for the Medical Department, and as a station 
for the Doctor’s-mates and boat’s crews attending the whole. 
This ship was, I think, the Hunter. 

I never was on board either of the Hospital-ships, and 
could never learn many particulars in relation to the treat¬ 
ment of the sufferers on board them; for but few ever 
returned from their recesses to the Jersey / I knew but 
three such instances during the whole period of my impris¬ 
onment. But I could form some idea of the interior of the 
Hospital-ships from viewing their outward appearance, 
which was disgusting in the highest degree. Knowing, as 
we did, from whence their wretched inmates had been 
taken, the sight of these vessels was terrible to us; and 

1 Rev. Mr. Sherburne (Memoirs, 110-113) described his expex-ience in one 
of these Hospital-ships. 

He stated that they, too, were very crowded; that the medical attendance 
was very limited; that the pi'ovisions were inferior in quality; that the Nurses 
wei*e negligent of their duties, and thievish in their propensities; and, gen¬ 
erally, that the same neglect which was so conspicuous in the Prison-ships 
also prevailed in the Hospitals. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


57 


their appearance more shocking than that of our own 
miserable hulk. 

But whatever might he our sensations on viewing the 
Hospital-ships, they were, undoubtedly, in many respects, 
preferable to the Jersey. They were not so crowded, and 
of course afforded more room for breathing. They were 
furnished with awnings, and provided with a wind-sail to 
each hatchway, for the purpose of conducting the fresh air 
between decks, where the sick were placed; and, more than 
all, the hatchways were left open during the night, 1 as our 
kind keepers were under no apprehensions of danger from 
the feeble and helpless w T retches who were there deposited. 

When communication between the ships was required, 
or any thing wanted, it was made known by signals, which 
were promptly attended to by the boats from the Hunter. 
Our condition caused our keepers much labor, and fur¬ 
nished employment which, to some of them, was far from 
being agreeable. 

There were on hoard the Jersey , among the prisoners, 
about half a dozen men, known by the appellation of 
u Nurses.” I never learned by whom they were appointed, 
or whether they had any regular appointment at all. But 
one fact I well knew; they were all thieves. 2 They ivere, 
however, sometimes useful in assisting the sick to ascend 
from below to the gangway on the upper deck, to he exam¬ 
ined by the visiting Surgeon, who attended from the Hunter 
every day (when the weather was good). If a sick man was 

1 Rev. Mr. Sherburne appears to have experienced no snch favor on the 
Hospital-ship Frederic , while he was an invalid on that vessel. {Memoirs, 111.) 

2 Rev. Mr. Sherburne {Memoirs, 110) has informed us that this depravity 
extended to the Nurses on board the Hospital-ships. He said, also, that they 
were American prisoners who were paid by the British Government for their 
services. 


8 


58 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


pronounced by the Surgeon to be a proper subject for one 
of the Hospital-ships, he was forthwith put into the boat in 
waiting alongside; but not without the loss or detention of 
all his effects, if he had any, as these were at once taken 
into possession by the Nurses, as their own property. 1 

I will here relate an incident; not on account of its 
extreme aggravation, but because it occurred immediately 
under my own eye, which will show, in some degree, the 
kind of treatment which was given by these Nurses to the 
poor, weak, and dying men who were left to their care, and 
who were about to be transported to a Hospital-ship, and, 
in all probability, in a few hours, to the sand-bank on the 
shore. 

I had found Mr. Robert Carver, our Gunner while on 
board the Chance , sick in one of the bunks where those 
retired who wished to be removed. He was without a bed 
or pillow, and had put on all the wearing apparel which he 
possessed, wishing to preserve it, and being sensible of his 
situation. I found him sitting upright in the bunk, with 
his great-coat on over the rest of his garments, and his hat 
between his knees. The weather was excessively hot, and, 
in the place where he lay, the heat was overpowering. I at 
once saw that he was delirious—a sure presage that his end 
was near. I took off his great-coat, and having folded and 
placed it under his head for a pillow, I laid him down upon 
it, and went immediately to prepare him some tea. I was 
absent but a few minutes, and on returning, met one of the 
thievish Nurses, with Carver’s great-coat in his hand. On 


1 Rev. Mr. Sherburne (Memoir «, 110) lias informed us that the personal 
effects and the hair of deceased prisoners were claimed by these Nurses, as their 
own, and it appears that the claim was conceded by those in authority, as a 
perquisite attached to the office of a Nurse. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


59 


ordering him to return it, his only reply was that it was a 
perquisite of the N urses, and the only one they had; that 
the man was dying, and the garment could be of no further 
use to him. 

I, however, took possession of the coat, and, on my libera¬ 
tion, returned it to the family of the owner. Mr. Carter 
soon after expired where he lay. We procured a blanket, 
in which we wrapped his body, which was thus prepared 
for interment. Others of the crew of the Chance had died 
previous to that time. Mr. Carver was a man of strong 
and robust constitution. Such men were subject to the 
most violent attacks of the fever, and were also its most 
certain victims. 

I attach no blame to our keepers, in regard to the 
thievish habits of the Nurses, over whom they had no 
control. I have merely related this incident for the pur¬ 
pose of more clearly showing to what a state of wretched¬ 
ness we were reduced. 


60 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


CHAPTER IX. 

THE INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. 


“ By feeble hands their shallow graves were made; 

“ No stone, memorial, o’er their corpses laid. 

“ In barren sands, and far from home, they lie, 

“ No friend to shed a tear when passing by; 

“ O’er the mean tombs, insulting foemen tread; 

“ Spurn at the sand, and curse the rebel dead.” 

Freneau. 

I T lias already been mentioned that one of the duties 
of the Working-party was, on each morning, to place 
the sick in the bunks; and if any of the prisoners had died 
during the night, to carry the dead bodies to the upper 
deck, where they were laid upon the gratings. Any pris¬ 
oner who could procure and chose to furnish a blanket, 
was allowed to sew it around the remains of his deceased 
companions . 1 

The signal being made, a boat was soon seen approaching 
from the Hunter; and if there were any dead on board the 
other ships, the boat received them, on her way to the 

Jersey . 

The corpse was laid upon a board, to which some ropes 
were attached as straps; as it was often the case, that 
bodies were sent on shore for interment before they had 
become sufficiently cold and stiff to be lowered into the 
boat by a single strap. Thus prepared, a tackle was 


See, also, Ebenezer Fox’s Adventures , 111. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


61 


attached to the hoard, and the remains of the sufferer were 
hoisted over the side of the ship into the boat, without 
further ceremony. If several bodies were waiting for inter¬ 
ment, but one ot them was lowered into the boat at a time, 
for the sake of decency. The prisoners were always very 
anxious to be engaged in the duty of interment; not so 
much from a feeling of humanity, or from a wish of paying 
respect to the remains of the dead (for to these feelings 
they had almost become strangers), as from the desire of 
once more placing their feet upon the land, if but for a few 
minutes. A sufficient number of the prisoners having 
received permission to assist in this duty, they entered the 
boat, accompanied by a guard of soldiers, and put off from 
the ship . 1 

I obtained leave to assist in the burial of the body of 
Mr. Carver, whose death was mentioned in the preceding 
Chapter. As this was done in the ordinary mode, a rela¬ 
tion of the circumstances attending it will afford a correct 
idea of the general method of interment. 

After landing at a low wharf which had been built from 
the shore, we first went to a small hut, which stood near 
the wharf, and was used as a place of deposit for the hand- 
barrows and shovels provided for these occasions. Having 
placed the corpses on the hand-barrows, and received our 
hoes and shovels, we proceeded to the side of the bank near 
the W ale bogt. Here, a vacant space having been selected, 
we were directed to dig a trench in the sand, of a proper 
length for the reception of the bodies. We continued our 
labor until our guards considered that a sufficient space had 
been excavated. The corpses were then laid into the 
trench without ceremony, and we threw the sand over 


See, also, Ebenezer Fox’s Adventures , 111. 


62 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


them. The whole appeared to produce no more effect upon 
our guards than if we were burying the bodies of dead 
animals instead of men. They scarcely allowed us time to 
look about us; for no sooner had we heaped the earth 
above the trench, than the order was given to march. But 
a single glance was sufficient to show us parts of many 
bodies which were exposed to view; although they had 
probably been placed there, with the same mockery of 
interment, but a few days before . 1 


1 See, also, Ebenezer Fox’s Adventures, 111-113; and Rev. Thomas Andros’s 
Old Jersey Captive , 15. General Jeremiah Johnson has left some very interest¬ 
ing information on this subject, in his Recollections of New York and Brooklyn 
(Appendix VII.), to which the reader is referred. 

Mr. Henry T. Tuckerman, with characteristic inaccuracy, informed the 
world, a few } T ears since, that “for many years after the termination of the 
“war, a melancholy token of this barbarous tyranny remained on the shores 
“ of Long-Island, near where the infamous Jersey prison-ship was moored. 
“ When the tide ebbed , the hones of those who had perished on board, amid 
“the horrors of famine, contagion, and darkness, were exposed to view.” ( Life 
of Silas Talbot , 91.) 

Inasmuch as “the high hank” in which the prisoners were buried was not, nor 
had been, overflowed by the waters of the Wale bogt when Mr. Tuckerman 
wrote the paragraph which has been quoted, the “bones” to which he referred 
were as much exposed when the tide flowed as when it “ebbed;” and the 
cause as well as the purpose of the discrimination between the ebbing and the 
flowing of the tide, by the distinguished poet, would not have been under¬ 
stood had it not been for the ugly fact, that the volume* from which he is 
said to have silently taken his material for the Life of Silas Talbot contains a 
statement, which he failed to understand, that the “ rotten remains ” of the Jersey, 
not those of the deceased prisoners, were embodied in the mud of the Wale bogt; 
and that, “when the tide ebbed,” “her rotten remains ” (page 107), not “the 
“ bones of those who had perished on board” of her, “ w r ere exposed to view”— 
a difference which was as marked in its character as is the difference between 
poetry and history, or that which distinguishes an insolent plagiarist from an 
unpretending laborer in the harvest-field of American history. 

* An Historical Sketch, to the end of the Revolutionary War, of the Life of Silas 
Talbot ; Esq., of the State of Rhode-Island, lately Commander of the United States frigate, 
the Constitution, and of an American squadron in the West-Indies. 12mo. New-York, 
1803. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


63 


Having thus performed, as well as we were permitted to 
do it, the last duty to the dead, and the guards having 
stationed themselves on each side of us, we began reluc¬ 
tantly to retrace our steps to the boat. We had enjoyed the 
pleasure of breathing for a few moments the air of our 
native soil; and the thought of returning to the crowded 
Prison-ship was terrible in the extreme. As we passed by 
the water’s side, we implored our guards to allow us to 
bathe, or even to wash ourselves for a few minutes; but 
this was refused us. 

I was the only prisoner of our party who wore a pair of 
shoes, and well recollect the circumstance that I took them 
from my feet for the pleasure of feeling the earth, or rather 
the sand, as I went along. It was a high gratification to 
us to bury our feet in the sand, and to shove them through 
it, as we passed on our way. We went by a small patch of 
turf, some pieces of which we tore up from the earth, and 
obtained permission to carry them on board for our com¬ 
rades to smell them. Circumstances like these may appear 
trifling to the careless reader; but let him be assured that 
they were far from being trifles to men situated as we had 
been. The inflictions which we had endured, the duty 
which we had just performed, the feeling that we must in a 
few minutes re-enter our place of suffering, from which in 
all probability we should never return alive—all tended to 
render every thing connected with the firm land beneath, and 
the sweet air above us, objects of deep and thrilling interest. 

Having arrived at the hut, we there deposited our imple¬ 
ments, and walked to the landing-place, where we prevailed 
on our guards, who were Hessians, to allow us the gratifica¬ 
tion of remaining nearly half an hour before we re-entered 
the boat. 


64 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


Near us stood a house occupied by a miller; and we had 
been told that a tide-mill which he attended was in its 
immediate vicinity, 1 as a landing-place for which, the wharf 
where we stood had been erected. It would have afforded 
me a high degree of pleasure to have been permitted to 
enter this dwelling, the probable abode of harmony and 
peace. It was designated by the prisoners by the appella¬ 
tion of the “ Old Dutchman’s,” and its very walls were 
viewed by us with feelings of veneration; as we had been 
told that the amiable daughter of its owner had kept a 
regular account of the number of bodies which had been 
brought on shore for interment from the Jersey and the 
Hospital-ships. This could easily be done in the house, as 
its windows commanded a fair view of the landing-place. 
We were not, however, gratified on this occasion either by 
the sight of herself, or of any other inmate of the house. 

Sadly did we approach and re-enter our foul and disgust¬ 
ing place of confinement. The pieces of turf which we 
carried on board were sought for by our fellow-prisoners 
with the greatest avidity, every fragment being passed by 
them from hand to hand, and its smell inhaled, as if it had 
been a fragrant rose. 


1 Rerasen’s Mill. 


JERSEY PRISON-SIIIP. 


65 


CHAPTER X 


THE CREW OF THE CHANCE. 


“At dead of night. 


“ In sullen silence, stalks forth Pestilence: 

“ Contagion, close behind, taints all her steps 
“ With poisonous dew; no smiting hand is seen, 
“No sound is heard; but soon her secret path 
“ Is marked with desolation;—heaps on heaps, 

“ Promiscuous drop. No friend, no refuge near: 

“ All, all is false and treacherous around; 

“ All that they touch, or taste, or breathe is death. 
****** 

“ Yet, still they breathe destruction ; still go on, 

“ Inhumanly ingenious, to find out 
“ New pains for life, new terrors for the grave; 

“ Artificers of death!” 


Porteus. 


Y visit to the shore, as described in the last Chapter, 



IT JL was the first one which I had been permitted to make. 
I had then been a prisoner for several weeks, and my situa¬ 
tion had become in some degree familiar; but my visit to 
the land caused me to feel the extent of my wretchedness, 
and to view my condition with feelings of greater abhor¬ 
rence, and even of despair. 

I have already observed that Mr. Carver was "not the 
first victim among the crew of the Chance. The first indi¬ 
vidual was a lad named Palmer, about twelve years of age, 
the youngest of our crew. While on hoard the Chance , he 
was a waiter to the officers; and he continued in that duty 
after we were placed on board the Jersey. He had, with 


9 



66 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


many others of our crew, been inoculated for the small-pox 
immediately after our arrival on board. The usual symp¬ 
toms appeared at the proper time, and we supposed the 
appearances of his disorder to be favorable; but these soon 
changed, and the yellow hue of his features declared the 
approach of death. He became delirious, and died during 
the succeeding night. He was a member of the same mess 
with myself, and had always looked up to me as a pro¬ 
tector, and particularly so during his sickness. That night 
was truly a wretched one to me; for I spent almost the 
whole' of it in perfect darkness, holding him during his 
convulsions; and it was heart-rending to hear the screams 
of the dying boy, while calling and imploring, in his deli¬ 
rium, for the assistance of his mother and other persons of 
his family. For a long time, all persuasion or argument 
was useless, to silence his groans and supplications. But 
exhausted nature at length sunk under its agonies; his 
screams became less piercing, and his struggles less violent. 
In the midnight gloom of our dungeon I could not see him 
die; but knew, by placing my hand over his mouth, that 
his breathings were becoming shorter, and thus felt the last 
breath as it quit his frame. The first glimmer of morning 
light through the iron grate fell upon his pallid and lifeless 
corpse. 

I had done every thing in my power for this poor boy 
during his sickness, and could render him but one more 
kind office. I assisted in sewing a blanket round his body, 
which was, with those of the others who had died during 
the night, conveyed upon deck in the morning—to be, at 
the usual hour, hurried to the bank at the Wale host. I 
regretted that I could piot assist at his interment; but this 
was impossible, as I was then suffering with the small-pox 


JERSEY PRISON-SIIIP. 


67 


myself; neither am I certain that permission would have 
been granted me, if I had sought it. Our keepers seemed 
to have no idea that the prisoners could feel any regard for 
each other, but appeared to think us as cold-hearted as 
themselves. If any thing like sympathy was ever shown us 
by any of them, it was done by the Hessians. In fact, the 
prisoners had lost almost every feeling of humanity for each 
other; and, being able to reciprocate but few offices of kind¬ 
ness, their feelings had become withered, and self-preserva¬ 
tion appeared to be their only wish. 1 

The next deaths among our own crew were those of 
James Mitchell and his son-in-law, Thomas Sturmey. It 
is a singular fact, that both of these men died at the same 
time. I did not even know that either of them had been 
sick, and my first intimation of the fact was when I was 
told that their bodies were lying on the grating on the 
upper deck. I there found them lying in the same clothes 
in which they had died. We procured a couple of blankets 
and placed them around the bodies, previous to their inter¬ 
ment. I applied for permission to accompany their remains 
to the land, and to assist in their burial; but this was 
denied me. I however watched their progress to the shore, 
and saw them deposited in the bank. 

Mr. Mitchell was generally known among his fellow- 
citizens of Providence; and there are many now living who 
well recollect him. 

It will at first appear almost incredible that my former 
companions, my friends and fellow-townsmen, could be thus 
sick and dying so near me, and I remain in profound igno- 

1 This remarkable result of the confinement of American prisoners was also 
noticed by Rev. Mr. Sherburne {Memoirs, 112, 113), and to it may possibly be 
attributed some portion of the distress which they experienced. 


68 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


ranee of the fact. But such was in reality our situation in 
this little world of concentrated misery. We were sep¬ 
arated and scattered over the different parts of the crowded 
hulk, and mingled with the great mass of the prisoners; 
and sometimes meeting each other among the multitude, 
we would, on inquiring respecting the fate of an old com¬ 
rade, receive the appalling information that he had either 
been attacked by sickness, and removed to one of the Hos¬ 
pital-ships ; or had died, and gone to his last home under 
the bank of the Wale bogt. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


69 


CHAPTER XI. 

THE MARINE GUARD. 


“ Remembrance shudders at this scene of fears— 

“ Still in my view some tyrant chief appears, 

“ Some base-born Hessian slave walks threatening by; 

“ Some servile Scot, with murder in his eye, 

“ Still haunts my sight, as vainly they bemoan 
“ Rebellions managed so unlike their own. 

****** 

“ No waters laded from the bubbling spring, 

“ To these dire ships these little tyrants bring— 

“ No drop was granted to the midnight prayer, 

“ To Rebels in these regions of despair! 

“ The loathsome cask a deadly dose contains, 

“ Its poison circling through the languid veins I” 

Freneau. 

I X addition to the regular officers and seamen of the 
Jersey , there were stationed on board about a dozen old 
invalid Marines; but our actual guard was composed of 
soldiers from the different regiments quartered on Long 
Island . 1 

The number usually on duty on board was about thirty. 
Each week, they were relieved by a fresh party. They 
were English, Hessians, and Refugees. We always pre¬ 
ferred the Hessians, from whom we received better treat¬ 
ment than from the others. As to the English, we did not 
complain, being aware that they merely obeyed their orders 

i See, also, Ebenezer Fox’s Adventures, 114. 


70 


RECOLLECTIONS OF TIIE 


in regard to us; but the Refugees, or Royalists , 1 as they 
termed themselves, were viewed by us with scorn and 
hatred. I do not recollect, however, that a guard of these 
miscreants w T as placed over us more than three times, during 
which their presence occasioned much tumult and confu¬ 
sion ; for the prisoners could not endure the sight of these 
men. and occasionally assailed them with abusive language, 
while they, in return, treated us with all the severity in 
their power. 

We dared not approach near them, for fear of their bay¬ 
onets, and, of course, could not pass along the gangways 
where they were stationed; but were obliged to crawl along 
upon the booms, in order to get fore and aft, or to go up or 
down the hatchways. They never answered any of our 
remarks respecting them, but would merely point to their 
uniforms, as if saying, We are clothed by our Sovereign, 
while you are naked. They were as much gratified at the 
idea of leaving us, as we were at seeing them depart. 
Many provoking gestures were made by the prisoners as 
they left the ship, and our curses followed them as far as 
we could make ourselves heard. 

A regiment of Refugees, with a green uniform, was then 
quartered at Brooklyn. We were invited to join this Royal 
band, and to partake of his Majesty’s pardon and bounty. 
But the prisoners, in the midst of their unbounded suffer¬ 
ing, of their dreadful privation and consuming anguish, 
spurned the insulting offer. They preferred to linger and 
to die, rather than desert their country’s cause. During 

1 The author of this volume employed this term, and I have not felt at liberty 
to change it. The Refugees were usually styled, both by themselves and by 
the officers of the Government, Loyalists ; by the Americans they were styled, 
as they still are, Tories. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


71 


the whole period of my confinement, I never knew a single 
instance of enlistment from among the prisoners of the 

Jersey, l 

The only duty, to my knowledge, ever performed by the 
old Marines was to guard the water-butt, near which one 
of them was stationed with a drawn cutlass. They were 
ordered to allow no prisoner to carry away more than one 
pint of water at once, but we were allowed to drink at the 
butt as much as we pleased; for which purpose, two or 
three copper ladles were chained to the cask. Having been 
long on board, and regular in the performance of this duty, 
they had become familiar with the faces of the prisoners, 
and could thereby, in many instances, detect the frauds 
which we practised upon them, in order to obtain more 
fresh water for our cooking than was allowed us by the 
regulations of the ship. Over the water, the soldiers had 
no control. 

The daily consumption of water on board was, at least, 
equal to seven hundred gallons. I know not whence it was 
brought, but presume it was from Brooklyn. One large 
gondola or boat was kept in constant employment to furnish 
the necessary supply . 2 


1 By reference to Mr. Fox’s Adventures (147-149), it will be seen that the 
British recruiting officers were not always unsuccessful on board the Jersey; 
while the correspondence of General Washington (Letter to the President of 
Congress, 27 th December, 1781, Appendix I., No. 4) confirmed the statement. 

2 This subject has been differently stated by different writers. Captain 
Dring, it will be perceived, “ presumed it was brought from Brooklyn Rev. 
Thomas Andros (Old Jersey Captive 17), said, “Our water was good, could we 
“ have had enough of it,” without alluding to the source of the supply. Captain 
Alexander Coffin, Junior (Letter to Doctor Mitchill, Appendix VI.), said 
it was taken from the city of New York, in the schooner Relief, and that it was 
“execrable” in quality. lie remarked, further: “The water that we were 
“ forced to use was carried from this city [A T ew York ]; and I positively assert 


72 


RECOLLECTIONS OF TIIE 


So mucli of the water as was not required ou deck for 
immediate use was conducted into butts, placed in the lower 
hold of the hulk, through a leather hose, passing through 
her side, near the bends. To this water we had recourse, 
when we could procure no other. 

When water in any degree fit for use was brought on 
board, it is impossible to describe the struggle which ensued, 
in consequence of our haste and exertions to procure a 
draught of it. The best which was ever afforded us was 
very brackish, but that from the ship’s hold was nauseous 
in the highest degree. This must be evident, when the fact 

CJ O ' 

is stated, that the butts for receiving it had never been 
cleaned since they were placed in the hold. The quantity 


“ that I never, after having followed the sea thirty years, had on board of any 
“ ship (and I have been three years on some of my voyages) water so bad as 
“ that we were obliged to use on board the old Jersey , when there was, as if it 
“ were to tantalize us, as fine water, not more than three cables’ length from 
“ us, at the mill in the Wallabout, as was perhaps ever drank.” Ebenezer 
Fox was entirely silent on the subject. General Jeremiah Johnson ( Recollec¬ 
tions of Brooklyn and New York , Appendix VII.) said the Jersey was supplied 
daily from his spring —the very forbidden spring to which Captain Coffin 
referred in his letter, just quoted. Mr. Palmer (Appendix V.) referred to some 
water taken from the hold of the vessel, which was as “ ropey as molasses.” 
The Report of the Committee of Officers (Appendix I., No. 7) confirmed the 
statement, concerning the quality of the water ordinarily in use, of the Rev. Mr. 
Andros, without mentioning the source of the supply. 

From all these authorities, it is not easy to determine the true state of the 
case. It is not improbable, however, that the usual practice was to draw the 
supplies daily, as Captain Dring and General Johnson have stated, from the 
Long Island shore—that being more convenient than any other;—that when 
the springs at the Wale bogt were exhausted, either from the usual summer 
drought or other causes, recourse was had, as Captain Coffin has stated 
(Appendix VL), to the city of New York;—and that, when all other sources 
failed, or when any other cause prevented the employment of the boats for 
the purpose of supplying the ships, either from Mr. Johnson’s spring or from 
New York, the hogsheads or tanks in the hold of the vessel were necessarily 
resorted to, as Captain Dring has stated in the following paragraph. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


73 


of foul sediment which they contained was therefore very 
great, and was disturbed and mixed with the water as often 
as a new supply was poured into them; thereby rendering 
their whole contents a substance of the most disgusting and 
poisonous nature. I have not the least doubt that the use 
of this vile compound caused the death of hundreds of the 
prisoners, when, to allay their tormenting thirst, they were 
driven by desperation to drink this liquid poison, and to 
abide the consequences. 

10 


74 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


CHAPTER XII. 


“dame grant,’’ and her boat 

“ At Brooklyn Wharf, in travelling trim, 

“ Young Chakon’s boat receives her store; 

“ Across the wavy waste they skim, 

“ She at the helm, and he, the oar. 

“ The market done, her cash secure, 

“ She homeward takes her wonted way; 

“ The painted chest, behind the door, 

“ Receives the gainings of the day.” 


The Market Girl. 


NE indulgence was allowed us by our keepers, if indul- 



\J gence it may be called. They bad given permission 
for a boat to come alongside the ship, with a supply of a 
few necessary articles, to be sold to such of the prisoners as 
possessed the means of paying for them. 

This trade was carried on by a very corpulent old 
woman, known among the prisoners by the name of “ Dame 
Grant.” Her visits, which were made on every other day, 
were of much benefit to us, and, I presume, a source of 
profit to herself. She brought us soft bread and fruit, 
with various other articles, such as sugar, tea, etc., all of 
which she previously put up into small paper parcels, from 
one ounce to a pound in weight, with the price affixed to 
each, from which she would never deviate. The bulk of the 
old lady completely tilled the stern sheets of the boat, 
where she sat, with her box of goods before her, from which 
she supplied us very expeditiously. Her boat was rowed 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


75 

by two boys, who delivered to us the articles we had pur¬ 
chased, the price of which we were required first to put into 
their hands. 

When our guard was not composed of Refugees, we were 
usually permitted to descend to the foot of the Accommo¬ 
dation-ladder, in order to select from the boat such articles 
as we wished. While standing there, it was distressing to 
see the faces of hundreds of half-famished wretches, looking 
over the side of the ship into the boat, without the means 
of purchasing the most trifling article before their sight, not 
even so much as a morsel of wholesome bread. None of us 
possessed the means of generosity, nor had any power to 
afford them relief. Whenever I bought any articles from 
the boat, I never enjoyed them; for it was impossible to do 
so, in the presence of so many needy wretches, eagerly 
gazing at my purchase, and almost dying for want of it. 

We frequently furnished u Dame Grant” with a memo¬ 
randum of such articles as we wished her to procure for us, 
such as pipes, tobacco, needles, thread, and combs. These 
she always faithfully procured and brought to us, never 
omitting the assurance that she afforded them exactly at 
cost. 1 

Her arrival was always a subject of interest to us; but at 
length she did not make her appearance for several days, 
and her approach was awaited in extreme anxiety. But, 
alas! we were no longer to enjoy this little gratification. 
Iler traffic was ended. She had taken the fever from the 
hulk, and died, if not in the flower of her youth, at least in 
the midst of her usefulness, leaving a void which was never 
afterwards filled up. 

» Reference was made to this traffic with the prisoners, by Rev. Mr. Sher¬ 
burne (Memoirs, 109). 


76 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


CHAPTER XIII. 


OUR SUPPLIES 


“ On the hard floors, these wasted objects laid, 

“ There tossed and tumbled in the dismal shade. 

“ There no soft voice their bitter fate bemoaned, 

“ And Death trod stately while his victims groaned.” 

Freneau. 


FTER the death of Dame Grant, we were under the 



jLL necessity of purchasing from the Sutler such small 
supplies as we needed. This man was one of the Mates of 
the ship, and occupied one of the apartments, under the 
Quarter-deck, through the bulkhead of which an opening 
had been cut, from which he delivered his goods. He here 
kept for sale a variety of articles, among which was usually 
a supply of ardent spirits, which was not allowed to be 
brought alongside the ship, for sale. It could therefore 
only be procured from the Sutler, whose price was two 
dollars for a gallon. Except in relation to this article, no 
regular price was fixed for what he sold us. We were first 
obliged to hand him the money, and he then gave us such 
a quantity as he pleased of the article which we needed; 
there was on our part no bargain to be made. But to be 
supplied even in this manner was, to those of us who had 
means of payment, a great convenience. 

But how different was our condition from that of our 
countrymen who were sent prisoners to England, during 
the same period. They were also in confinement, it is true, 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


77 


but it was in prisons, which were palaces in comparison to 
the foul and putrid dungeons into which we were crowded. 
They were furnished with sweet and wholesome provisions, 
and with pure and good water for every necessary purpose. 
They could easily procure vegetables, and every other sup¬ 
ply conducive to their comfort. An Agent was appointed 
to supply them with clothing, and to attend to their com¬ 
plaints. They had a sufficient space for exercise and manly 
recreation during the day, and the privilege of using lights 
by night. They were not so crowded together as to be 
thereby rendered the almost certain victims of disease and 
death. They received donations from the charitable and the 
well-disposed. Such was their situation, in a foreign coun¬ 
try, in the land of our enemies. What a contrast does this 
present to the picture I have attempted to give of our condi¬ 
tion, while confined on our own waters, and in sight of our 
own shore ! Our own people afforded us no relief. Oh, my 
country! why were we thus neglected in this our hour of 
misery;—why was not a little food and raiment given to 
the dying martyrs of thy cause ? 1 

1 The condition of the Americans who were prisoners of war in England was 
not understood by Captain Dking. 

On the twentieth of June, 1781, Mr. Fox, in the House of Commons, brought 
up a petition from the American prisoners in the Mill-prison, Plymouth, set¬ 
ting forth that they were treated with less humanity than the French and 
Spaniards, and that they had not a sufficient allowance of bread, and were very 
scantily furnished with clothing, and moved its reference to a Committee, and 
that testimony be taken on the subject. The Ministry opposed the motion, 
when Mr. Burke aptly remarked that, although an Act of Parliament could 
establish the assize of bread, it could not limit the size of a man’s stomach, 
and called on the Ministry to measure the prisoners’ appetites by their own. 

At a subsequent date, testimony was taken, when it was shown that the 
Americans received only two-thirds of the allowance which was made to the 
prisoners of other nations, and that they were treated generally with greater 
inhumanity. 


78 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


Although the supplies which some of us were enabled to 
procure from the Sutler were highly conducive to our com¬ 
fort, yet one most necessary article neither himself nor any 
other person could furnish us. This was wood for our daily 
cooking, to procure a sufficient quantity of which was to us 
a source of continual trouble and anxiety. The Cooks would 
indeed steal small quantities and sell them to us, at the 
hazard of certain punishment, if detected; but it was not 
in their power to embezzle a sufficient quantity to meet our 
daily necessities. As the disgust of swallowing any food 
which had been cooked in the Great Copper was universal, 
each prisoner used every exertion to procure as much wood 
as possible, for the private cooking of his own mess. 

During my excursion to the shore, to assist in the inter¬ 
ment of Mr. Carver, it was my good fortune to find a 
hogshead stave floating in the water. This was truly a 
prize. I conveyed the treasure on board ; and, in the 
economical manner in which it was used, it furnished the 
mess to which I belonged with a supply of fuel for a consid¬ 
erable time. 

I was also truly fortunate on another occasion. I had, 
one day, command of the Working-party, which was then 
employed in taking on board a sloop-load of wood for the 
ship’s use. This was carefully conveyed below, under a 

Mr. Fox, Admiral Keppel, Mr. Burke, and General Burgoyne participated 
in the debate which followed, in opposition to the Ministry and in favor of the 
prisoners; while Lord North and his colleagues were compelled to excuse the 
evil to the best of their ability. 

A similar petition was presented in the House of Lords, by the Duke of 
Richmond, in which the same facts were set forth, and subsequently proven. 

Reference may also be made to the outrages committed on American naval 
prisoners, which were described in a card published by Captain Daniel 
Desiion, and others, in The [Boston] Continental Journal of the thirtieth of 
May, 1782. 


.JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


79 


guard, to prevent embezzlement. I nevertheless found 
means, with the assistance of my associates, to convey a 
cleft of it into the Gun-room, where it was immediately 
secreted. Our mess was thereby supplied with a sufficient 
quantity for a long time, and its members were considered 
by far the most wealthy persons in all this republic of 
misery. We had enough for our own nse, and were 
enabled, occasionally, to supply our neighbors with a few 
splinters. 

Our mode of preparing the wood for use was to cut it 
with a jack-knife into pieces about four inches long. This 
labor occupied much of our time, and was performed by the 
different members of the mess, in rotation; which employ¬ 
ment was to us a source of no little pleasure. 

After a sufficient quantity had been thus prepared for the 
next day’s use, it was deposited in the chest. The main 
stock was guarded, by day and night, with the most scru¬ 
pulous and anxious care. We kept it at night within our 
own enclosure; and by day it was always watched by some 
one of its proprietors. So highly did we value it, that we 
went into mathematical calculations, to ascertain how long 
it would supply us, if a given quantity was each day con¬ 
sumed. 

It may be thought that this subject is not of sufficient 
importance to be so long dwelt upon. But things which 
are usually of trifling worth may, at times, become objects 
of the greatest consequence. Men may be placed in situa¬ 
tions where the flint is of more value than the diamond. 


80 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


CHAPTER XIV. 

OUR BY-LAWS. 

“ What though the sun, in his meridian blaze, 

“ Darts on their naked limbs his scorching rays; 

“ Still, of ethereal temper are their souls, 

“ And in their veins the tide of honor rolls.” 

Day. 

S OON after tlie Jersey was first used as a place of confine¬ 
ment, a code of By-laws had been established by the 
prisoners, for their own regulation and government; to 
which a willing submission was paid, so far as circum¬ 
stances would permit. I much regret my inability to give 
these rules verbatim; but I cannot, at this distant period of 
time, recollect them with a sufficient degree of distinctness. 
They were chiefly directed to the preservation of personal 
cleanliness, and the prevention of immorality. For a 
refusal to comply with any one of them, the refractory 
prisoner was subject to a stated punishment. It is an 
astonishing fact that any rules, thus made, should have so 
long existed and been enforced among a multitude of men 
situated as we were,—so numerous, and composed of indi¬ 
viduals of that class of human beings who are not easily 
controlled, and usually not the most ardent supporters of 
good order. There were many foreigners among our num¬ 
ber, over whom we had no control, except so far as they 
chose voluntarily to comply with our regulations, which 


JERSEY PKISON-SHIP. 


81 


they cheerfully did, in almost every instance, so far as their 
condition would allow. 

Among our rules were the following:—That personal 
cleanliness should be preserved, as far as was practicable; 
that profane language should be avoided; that drunken¬ 
ness should not be allowed; that theft should be severely 
punished; and that no smoking should be permitted between 
decks, by day or night, on account of the annoyance which 
it caused to the sick. 

A due observance of the Sabbath was also strongly 
enjoined; and it was recommended to every individual to 
appear cleanly shaved on Sunday morning, and to refrain 
from all recreation during the day. This rule was particu¬ 
larly recommended to the attention of the officers, and the 
remainder of the prisoners were desired to follow their 
example. 

Our By-laws were occasionally read to the assembled 
prisoners, and always whenever any prisoner was to be pun¬ 
ished for their violation. Theft or fraud upon the allow¬ 
ance of a fellow-prisoner was always punished, and the 
infliction was always approved by the whole company. On 
these occasions, the oldest officer among the prisoners pre¬ 
sided as Judge. 

It required much exertion for many of ns to comply with 
the law prohibiting smoking between decks. Being myself 
much addicted to the habit of smoking, it would have been 
a great privilege to have enjoyed the liberty of thus indulg¬ 
ing it, particularly during the night, while sitting by one of 
the air-ports; but as this was entirely inadmissible, I of 
course submitted to the prohibition. 

Many of us waited in great anxiety for the moment when 
we could ascend to the upper deck and enjoy the gratifica- 
11 


82 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


tion of our favorite habit. The practice had, indeed, be¬ 
come universal among the prisoners, at least as many of 
them as had the means of procuring tobacco. We were 
allowed no means of striking fire, and were obliged to pro¬ 
cure it from the Cook employed for the ship’s officers, 
through a small window in the bulkhead, near the ca¬ 
boose. After one had thus procured fire, the rest were also 
soon supplied, and our pipes were all in full operation in 
the course of a few minutes. The smoke which rose around 
us appeared to purify the pestilential air by which we were 
surrounded; and I attributed the preservation of my health, 
in a great degree, to the exercise of this habit. Our greatest 
difficulty was to procure tobacco. This, to some of the 
prisoners, was impossible; and it must have been an ag¬ 
gravation to their sufferings, to see us apparently puffing 
aw T ay our sorrows, while they had no means of procuring 
the enjoyment of a similar gratification. 

We dared not often apply at this Cook’s caboose for 
fire, as the surly wretch would not willingly repeat the 
supply. One morning, I went to the window of his den, 
and requested leave to light my pipe; and the miscreant, 
without making any reply, threw a shovelful of burning 
cinders in my face. I was almost blinded by the pain ; and 
several days elapsed before I fully regained my sight. My 
feelings on this occasion may be imagined; but redress was 
impossible, as we were allowed no mode of even seeking it. 
I mention this occurrence to show to what a wretched state 
we were reduced, when thus exposed to the wanton and 
vexatious insults, the petty and disgusting tyranny of all 
those wretches, from the Commissary to the Cook and the 
Cook’s scullion. This wanton act of that inhuman mon¬ 
ster would not probably have been justified by the Captain, 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


83 


liacl it come to liis knowledge; but it was wholly out of our 
power to devise means whereby to convey any complaint to 
him. Had the means been allowed us of making known 
our grievances, many of these brutal aggressions would 
probably have been punished, and we should have been 
saved from the endurance of a great number of petty, but 
unceasing insults. 


84 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


CHAPTER XY. 

OUR ORATOR. 

-“Stranger Youth; 

“ So noble and bo mild is thy demeanor, 

“ So gentle and so patient; such the air 
“ Of candor and of courage which adorns 
“ Thy manly features, thou hast won my love.” 

H. Moore. 

lAURINGr the period of my confinement, the Jersey was 
1 J never visited by any regular clergyman, nor was Divine 
service ever performed on hoard. And among the whole 
multitude of the prisoners, there was hut one individual 
who ever attempted to deliver a set speech, or to exhort his 
fellow-sufferers. 

This individual was a young man named Cooper, whose 
station in life was apparently that of a common sailor. He 
was a man of eccentric character, but evidently possessed 
talents of a very high order. His manners were pleasing, 
and he had every appearance of having received an excel¬ 
lent education. He was a Yirginian; hut I never learned 
the exact place of his nativity. He told us that he had 
been a very unmanageable youth, and that he had left his 
family, contrary to their wishes and advice; that he had 
been often assured by them that the Old Jersey would 
bring him up at last, and the Wale bogt be his place of 
burial. “ The first of these predictions,” said he, “ has been 



JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


85 


“ verified; and I care not how soon the second proves 
“ equally true, for I am prepared for the event. Death, 
“ for me, has lost its terrors, for with them I have been too 
“ long familiar.” 

On several Sunday mornings, Cooper harangued the 
prisoners in a very forcible yet pleasing manner, which, 
together with his language, made a lasting impression upon 
my memory. On one of these occasions, having mounted a 
temporary elevation on the Spar-deck, he, in an audible 
voice, requested the attention of the prisoners, who having 
immediately gathered round him in silence, he commenced 
his discourse. 

lie began by saying that he hoped no one would suppose 
he had taken that station by way of derision or mockery of 
that holy day, for that such was not his object; on the 
contrary, he was pleased to find that the good regulations 
established by the former prisoners obliged us to refrain 
even from recreation on the Sabbath ; that his object, how¬ 
ever, was not to preach to us, nor to discourse upon any 
sacred subject. He wished to read us our By-laws, a copy 
of which he held in his hand, the framers of which were 
then, in all probability, sleeping in death, beneath the sand 
of the shore before our eyes. That these laws had been 
framed in wisdom, and were well fitted to preserve order and 
decorum in a community like ours; that his present object 
was to impress upon our minds the absolute necessity of a 
strict adherence to those wholesome regulations; that he 
should briefly comment upon each article, which might be 
thus considered as the particular text of that part of his 
discourse. 

He proceeded to point out the extreme necessity of a full 
observance of these Rules of Conduct, and portrayed the 


86 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


evil consequences which would inevitably result to us if we 
neglected or suffered them to fall into disuse. He enforced 
the necessity of our unremitted attention to personal clean¬ 
liness and to the duties of morality; he dwelt on the 
degradation and sin of drunkenness; described the mean¬ 
ness and atrocity of theft, and the high degree of caution 
against temptation necessary for men who w r ere perhaps 
standing on the very brink of the grave; and added, that, 
in his opinion, even sailors might as well refrain from 
profane language, while they were actually suffering in 
Purgatory. 

He said that our present torments, in that abode of 
misery, were a proper retribution for our former sins and 
transgressions ; that Satan had been permitted to send out 
his messengers and inferior demons in every direction, to 
collect us together; and that among the most active of 
these infernal agents was David Sproat, Commissary of 
Prisoners. 

He then made some just and suitable observations on the 
fortitude with which w r e had sustained the weight of our 
accumulated miseries; of our firmness in refusing to accept 
the bribes of our invaders, and desert the banners of 
our country. During this part of his discourse, the sen¬ 
tinels on the gangways occasionally stopped and listened 
attentively. We much feared that, by some imprudent 
remark, he might expose himself to their resentment, and 
cautioned him not to proceed too far. He replied, that 
our keepers could do nothing more, unless they should 
put him to the torture, and that he should proceed. 

He touched on the fact that no clergyman had ever 
visited us; that this was probably owing to the fear of con¬ 
tagion ; but it w r as much to be regretted that no one had 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


87 


ever come to afford a ray of hope, or to administer the 
Word of Life in that terrific abode; that if any Minister of 
the Gospel desired to do so, there could be no obstacle in 
the way, for that even David Sproat himself, bad as he 
was, would not dare to oppose it. 

He closed with a merited tribute to the memory of those 
of our fellow-sufferers who had already paid the debt of 
nature. “ The time,” said he, “ will come when their bones 
“ will be collected, when their rites of sepulture will be 
“ performed, and a monument erected over the remains of 
“ those who have here suffered, the victims of barbarity, 
“ amL died in vindication of the rights of Man.” 

I have myself lived to see his predictions verified. Those 
bones have been collected; those rites have been performed; 
that monument has been raised . 1 

The remarks of our Orator were well adapted to our 
situation, and produced much effect upon the prisoners, 
who at length began to accost him as “ Elder,” or “ Parson 
“ Cooper.” But this he would not allow; and told us, if 
we would insist on giving him a title, we might call him 
“Doctor;” by which name he was ever afterwards saluted, 
so long as he remained among us. 

He had been a prisoner for about the period of three 
months, when one day the Commissary of Prisoners came 
on board, accompanied by a stranger, and inquired for 
Cooper, who having made his appearance, a letter was 
put into his hand, which he perused, and immediately after¬ 
wards left the ship, without even going below for his clothing. 
While in the boat, he waved his hand, and bade us be of 
good cheer. We could only return a mute farewell; and 

1 Concerning the monument, Captain Dring had been misinformed. No 
monument has yet been erected. 


88 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


in a few moments the boat had left the ship, and was on 
its way to New York. 

Thus we lost our Orator, for whom I had a very high 
regard at the time, and whose character and manners have, 
ever since, been to me a subject of pleasing recollection. 

Various were the conjectures which the sudden manner 
of his departure caused on board. Some asserted that poor 
Cooper had drawn upon himself the vengeance of old 
Sproat, and that he had been carried on shore to be 
punished. No certain information was ever received 
respecting him; but I have always thought that he was 
a member of some highly influential and respectable family, 
and that his release had been effected through the agency 
of his friends. This was often done by the influence 
of the Royalists 1 or Refugees in New York, who were some¬ 
times the connections or personal friends of those who 
applied for their assistance in procuring the liberation of a 
son or a brother from captivity. Such kind offices were 
thus frequently rendered to those who had chosen opposite 
sides in the great revolutionary contest; and to whom, 
though directly opposed to themselves in political proceed¬ 
ings, they were willing to render every personal service in 
their power. 

1 Vide page 70, note, ante. 


JERSEY PRISON-SIIIP. 


89 


CHAPTER XYI. 


THE FOURTH OF JULY. 

“ Black as the clouds that shade St. KiIda’s shore, 
“ Wild as the wind that round her mountains roar, 
“ At every post, some surly vagrant stands, 

“ Cull’d from the English or the Scottish bands. 

“ Dispensing death, triumphantly they stand; 

“ Their muskets ready to obey command, 

“ Wounds are their sport, as ruin is their aim; 

“ On their dark souls, compassion has no claim; 

“ And discord only can their spirits please ; 

“ Such were our tyrants; only, such as these.” 


Freneau. 


FEW days before the fourth of July, we had made 



jLJl such preparations as our circumstances would admit, 
for an observance of the anniversary of American Indepen¬ 
dence. We had procured some supplies wherewith to make 
ourselves merry on the occasion, and intended to spend the 
day in such innocent pastime and amusement as our situa¬ 
tion would afford, not dreaming that our proceedings would 
give umbrage to our keepers, as it was far from our inten¬ 
tion to trouble or insult them. We thought that, although 
prisoners, we had a right, on that day at least, to sing and 
be merry. As soon as we were permitted to go on deck in 
the morning, thirteen little national flags were displayed in 
a row upon the booms. We were soon ordered by the 
guard to take them away; and as we neglected to obey the 
command, they triumphantly demolished, and trampled 
them under loot. 


12 


90 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


Unfortunately for us, our guards at that time were 
Scotchmen, who, next to the Refugees, were the objects of 
our greatest hatred; hut their destruction of our flags was 
merely viewed in silence, with the contempt which it 
merited. 

During the time we remained on deck, several patriotic 
songs were sung, and choruses were repeated; hut not a word 
was intentionally spoken to give offence to our guards. 
They were, nevertheless, evidently dissatisfied with our 
proceedings, as will soon appear. Their moroseness was a 
prelude to what was to follow. We were, in a short time, 
forbidden to pass along the common gangways, and every 
attempt to do so was repelled by the bayonet. Although 
thus incommoded, our mirth still continued. Songs were 
still sung, accompanied with occasional cheers. Tilings 
thus proceeded until about four o’clock; when the guards 
were turned out, and we received orders to descend between 
decks, where we were immediately driven, at the point of 
the bayonet. 

After being thus sent below in the greatest confusion, at 
that early and unusual hour, and having heard the gratings 
closed and fastened above us, we supposed that the barba¬ 
rous resentment of our guards was fully satisfied; but we 
were mistaken, for they had further vengeance in store, 
and merely waited for an opportunity to make us feel its 
weight. 

The prisoners continued their singing between decks, and 
were, of course, more noisy than usual, but forbore, even 
under their existing temptations, to utter any insulting or 
aggravating expressions. At least, I heard nothing of the 
kind, unless our patriotic songs could be so construed. 

In the course of the evening, we were ordered to desist 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


91 


from making any further noise. This order not being fully 
complied with, at about nine o’clock the gratings w r ere 
removed, and the guards descended among us, with lan¬ 
terns and drawn cutlasses in their hands. The poor, help¬ 
less prisoners retreated from the hatchways as far as their 
crowded situation would permit; while their cowardly 
assailants followed as far as they dared, cutting and wound¬ 
ing every one within their reach, and then ascended to the 
upper deck, exulting in the gratification of their revenge. 

Many of the prisoners were wounded; hut, from the total 
darkness, neither their number nor their situation could he 
ascertained ; and if this had been possible, it was not in the 
power of their companions to afford them the least relief. 
During the whole of that tragical night, their groans and 
lamentations were dreadful in the extreme. Being in the 
Gun-room, I was at some distance from the immediate 
scene of this bloody outrage; but the distance was by no 
means far enough to prevent my hearing their continual 
cries from the extremity of pain, their applications for 
assistance, and their curses upon the heads of their brutal 
assailants. 

It had been the usual custom for each prisoner to carry 
below, when he descended at sunset, a pint of water, to 
quench his thirst during the night. But, on this occasion, 
we had thus been driven to our dungeons three hours before 
the setting of the sun, and without our usual supply of 
water. 

Of this night I cannot describe the horrors. The day 
had been very sultry, and the heat was extreme throughout 
the ship. The unusual number of hours during which we 
had been crowded together between decks; the foul atmos¬ 
phere and sickening heat; the additional excitement and 


92 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


restlessness caused by the wanton attack which had been 
made; above all, the want of water, not a drop of which 
could be obtained, during the whole night, to cool our 
parched tongues; the imprecations of those who were half 
distracted with their burning thirst; the shrieks and wail¬ 
ings of the wounded, the struggles and groans of the flying, 
together formed a combination of horrors which no pen can 
describe. 

In the agonies of their suffering, the prisoners invited, 
and even challenged, their inhuman guards to descend once 
more among them; but this they were prudent enough not 
to attempt. 

Their cries and supplications for water were terrible, and 
were, of themselves, sufficient to render sleep impossible. 
Oppressed with the heat, I found my way to the grating of 
the main hatchway, where on former nights I had fre¬ 
quently passed some time, for the benefit of the little 
current of air which circulated through the bars. I 
obtained a place on the larboard side of the hatchway, 
where I stood facing the East, and endeavored, as much as 
possible, to draw my attention from the terrific sounds 
below me, by watching through the grating the progress of 
the stars. I there spent hour after hour in following with 
my eye the motion of a particular star, as it rose and 
ascended until it passed over beyond my sight. 

How I longed for the day to dawn! At length the 
morning light began to appear, but still our torments were 
increasing every moment. As the usual hour for us to 
ascend to the upper deck approached, the Working-party 
were mustered near the hatchway, and we were all 
anxiously waiting for the opportunity to cool our weary 
frames, to breathe for a while the pure air, and, above all, 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


93 


to procure water to quench our intolerable thirst. The 
time arrived, but still the gratings were not removed. 
Hour after hour passed on, and still we were not released. 
Our minds were at length seized with the horrible sus¬ 
picion that our tyrants had determined to make a finishing 
stroke of their cruelty, and rid themselves of us altogether. 

It was not until ten o’clock in the forenoon that the 
gratings were at length removed. We hurried on deck, 
and thronged to the water-cask, which was completely 
exhausted before our thirst was allayed. So great was the 
struggle around the cask, that the guards were again turned 
out to disperse the crowd. 

In a few hours, however, we received a new supply of 
water, but it seemed impossible to allay our thirst, and the 
applications at the cask were incessant until sunset. 

Our rations were delivered to us, but, of course, not until 
long after the usual hour. During the whole day, how¬ 
ever, no fire was kindled for cooking in the Galley. All 
the food which we consumed that day we were obliged to 
swallow raw. Every thing, indeed, had been entirely 
deranged by the events of the past night, and several days 
elapsed before order was restored. This was at length 
obtained by a change of the guard, who, to our great joy, 
were relieved by a party of Hessians. 

The average number who died on board during the 
period of twenty-four hours was about five; but on the 
morning of the fifth of July, eight or ten corpses were 
found below. Many had been badly wounded, to whom, 
in the total darkness of the night, it was impossible for 
their companions to render any assistance; and even during 
the next day they received no attention, except that which 
was afforded by their fellow-prisoners, who had nothing to 


94 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


administer to tlieir comfort, not even bandages for their 
wounds. 

I was not personally acquainted with any of those who 
died or were wounded on that night. No equal number 
had ever died in the same period of time during my con¬ 
finement. This unusual mortality was of course caused by 
the increased sufferings of the night. 

Since that time, I have often, while standing on the 
deck of a good ship under my command, and viewing the 
rising stars, thought upon the terrors of that night, when I 
stood watching their progress through the gratings of the 
Old Jersey. And when I now contrast my former wretch¬ 
edness with my present situation, in the full enjoyment of 
liberty, health, and every earthly comfort, I cannot but 
muse upon the contrast, and bless the great and good Being 
from whom my comforts have been derived. I do not now 
regret my captivity nor my sufferings; for the recollection 
of them has ever taught me how to enjoy my after life with 
a greater degree of contentment than I should, perhaps, 
have otherwise ever experienced. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


95 


CHAPTER XVII. 

AN ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE. 

“ Better the greedy wave should swallow all, 

“ Better to meet the death-conducting ball, 

“ Better to sleep on ocean’s oozy bed, 

“ At once destroy’d and number’d with the dead; 

“ Than thus to perish in the face of day, 

“ Where twice ten thousand deaths one death delay.” 

Freneau. 

I T had been some time in contemplation, among a few of 
the inmates of the Gun-room, to make a desperate 
attempt to escape, by cutting a hole through the stern or 
counter of the ship. In order that their operations might 
proceed with even the least probability of success, it was 
absolutely necessary that but few of the prisoners should be 
admitted to the secret. At the same time, it was impossible 
for them to make any progress in their labor unless they 
first confided their plan to all the other occupants of the 
Gun-room; which was accordingly done. In this part of 
the ship, each mess was on terms of more or less intimacy 
with those whose little sleeping enclosures were imme¬ 
diately adjacent to their own; and the members of each 
mess frequently interchanged good offices with those in 
their vicinity, and borrowed and lent such little articles 
as they possessed, like the good housewives of a sociable 
neighborhood. I never knew any contention in this apart- 


96 


RECOLLECTIONS OE THE 


ment during the whole period of my confinement. Each 
individual in the Gun-room, therefore, was willing to 
assist his comrades as far as he had the power to do so. 
When the proposed plan of escape was laid before us, 
although it met the disapprobation of by far the greater 
number, still we were all perfectly ready to assist those who 
thought it practicable. 

We, however, described to them the difficulties and dan¬ 
gers which must unavoidably attend their undertaking; 
the prospect of detection while making the aperture in 
the immediate vicinity of such a multitude of idle men, 
crowded together, a large proportion of whom were always 
kept awake by their restlessness and sufferings during the 
night; the little probability that they would be able to 
travel, undiscovered, on Long Island, even should they suc¬ 
ceed in reaching the shore in safety; and, above all, the 
almost absolute impossibility of obtaining food for their 
subsistence, as an application for that to our keepers would 
certainly lead to detection. But, notwithstanding all our 
arguments, a few of them remained determined to make 
the attempt. Their only reply to our reasoning was, that 
they must die if they remained; and that nothing worse 
could befall them if they failed in their undertaking. 

One of the most sanguine among the adventurers was a 
young man named Lawrence, the Mate of a ship from 
Philadelphia. He was a member of the mess next to my 
own, and I had formed with him a very intimate acquaint¬ 
ance. He frequently explained his plans to me ; and dwelt 
much upon his hopes of success. But ardently as I desired 
to obtain my liberty, and great as were the exertions I 
would have made, had I seen any probable mode of gaining 
it, yet it was not my intention to join in this attempt. I 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


97 


nevertheless agreed to assist in the labor of cutting through 
the planks; and heartily wished, although I had no hope, 
that the enterprise might prove successful. 

The work was accordingly commenced, and the laborers 
concealed by placing a blanket between them and the pris¬ 
oners without. The counter of the ship was covered with 
hard oak plank, four inches thick; and through this we 
undertook to cut an opening sufficiently large for a man to 
descend; and to do this with no other tools than our jack- 
knives and a single gimlet. 

All the occupants of the Gun-room assisted in this labor, 
in rotation : some in confidence that the plan was practica¬ 
ble, and the rest merely for amusement, or for the sake of 
being employed. Some one of our number was constantly 
at work; and we thus continued, wearing a hole through 
the hard planks, from seam to seam, until at length the 
solid oak was worn away piecemeal, and nothing remained 
but a thin sheathing on the outside, which could be cut 
away at any time in a few minutes, whenever a suitable 
opportunity should occur for making the bold attempt to 
leave the ship. 

It had been previously agreed, that those who should 
first descend through the aperture should drop into the 
water, and there remain until all those among the inmates 
of the Gun-room who chose to make the attempt could 
join them; and that the whole band of adventurers should 
then swim together to the shore, which was about a quarter 
of a mile from the ship. 

A proper time at length arrived. On a very dark and 
rainy night, the exterior sheathing was cut away; and at 
midnight, four of our number, having disencumbered them¬ 
selves of their clothes, and tied them across their shoulders, 
13 


98 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


were assisted through the opening, and dropped, one after 
another, into the water. 

Ill-fated men! Our guards had long been acquainted 
with the enterprise. But, instead of taking any measures 
to prevent it, they had permitted us to go on with our labor, 
keeping a vigilant watch for the moment of our projected 
escape, in order to gratify their blood-thirsty wishes. No 
other motive than this could have prompted them to the 
coarse which they pursued. A boat was in waiting under 
the ship’s quarter, manned with rowers and a party of the 
guards. They maintained a perfect silence after hearing 
the prisoners drop from the opening; until, having ascer¬ 
tained that no more would probably descend, they pursued 
the swimmers, whose course they could easily follow by the 
sparkling of the water—an effect always produced by the 
agitation of the waves in a stormy night. 

We were all profoundly silent in the Gfun-room, after 
the departure of our companions, and in anxious suspense 
as to the issue of their adventure. In a few minutes, we 
were startled by the report of a gun, which was instantly 
succeeded by a quick and scattering fire of musketry. In 
the darkness of the night, we could not see the unfortunate 
victims; but could distinctly hear their shrieks and cries 
for mercy. 

The noise of the firing had alarmed the prisoners gener¬ 
ally ; and the report of the attempted escape and its defeat 
ran like wildfire through the gloomy and crowded dungeons 
of the hulk, and produced much commotion among the 
whole body of the prisoners. In a few moments, the 
gratings were raised, and the guards descended, bearing a 
naked and bleeding man, whom they placed in one of the 
bunks; and having left a piece of burning candle by his 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


99 


side, they again ascended to the deck, and secured the 
gratings. 

Information of this circumstance soon reached the Gun¬ 
room ; and myself, with several others of our number, 
succeeded in making our way through the crowd to the 
bunks. The wounded man was my friend Lawrence. He 
was severely injured in many places, and one of his arms 
had been nearly severed from his body by the stroke of a 
cutlass. This, he said, was done in wanton barbarity, 
wdiile he was crying for mercy, with his hand on the gun¬ 
wale of the boat. He was too much exhausted to answer 
any of our questions; and uttered nothing further, except a 
single inquiry respecting the fate of Kelson, one of his 
fellow-adventurers. This we could not answer. Indeed, 
what became of the rest, we never knew. They were, 
probably, all murdered in the water. 

This was the first time that I had ever seen a light 
between decks. The piece of candle had been left by the 
side of the bunk, in order to produce an additional effect 
upon the prisoners. Many had been suddenly awakened 
from their slumbers, and had crowded round the bunk where 
the sufferer lay. The effect of the partial light upon his 
bleeding and naked limbs, and upon the pale and hag¬ 
gard countenances and tattered garments of the wild and 
crowded groups by which he was surrounded, was horrid 
beyond description. 

We could render the sufferer but little assistance, being 
only able to furnish him with a few articles of apparel and 
to bind a handkerchief around his head. His body was 
completely covered and his hair filled with clotted blood; 
we had not the means of washing the gore from his wounds 
during the night. We had seen many die; but to view 


100 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


this wretched man expiring in that situation, where he had 
been placed beyond the reach of surgical aid, merely to 
strike us with terror, was dreadful. 

The gratings were not removed at the usual hour in the 
morning; but we were all kept below until ten o’clock. 
This mode of punishment had now become habitual with 
our keepers, and we were all frequently detained between 
decks until a late hour in the day, in revenge for the most 
trifling occurrence. This cruelty never failed to produce 
the torments arising from heat and thirst, with all their 
attendant miseries. 

The immediate object of our tyrants having been 
answered by leaving Mr. Lawrence below in that situa¬ 
tion, they promised in the morning that he should have the 
assistance of a Surgeon; but this promise was not fulfilled. 
The prisoners rendered him every attention in their power. 
They washed and dressed his wounds; but in vain. Mor¬ 
tification soon commenced: he became delirious, and died. 

No inquiry was made by our keepers respecting his 
situation. They evidently left him thus to suffer, in order 
that the sight of his agonies might deter the rest of the 
prisoners from following his example. 

We received not the least reprimand for this transaction. 
The aperture was again filled up with plank, and made 
perfectly secure; and no similar attempt to escape was 
made—at least so long as I remained on board. 

It was always in our power to knock down the guards, 
and throw them overboard; but this would have been of 
no avail. If we had done so, and had effected our escape 
to Long Island, it would have been next to impossible for 
us to have proceeded any farther, among the number of 
troops there quartered. Of these, there were several regi- 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


101 


ments, and among them the regiment of Refugees before 
mentioned, who were vigilant in the highest degree, and 
would have been delighted at the opportunity of appre¬ 
hending and returning us to our dungeons. 

There were, however, several instances of individuals 
making their escape. One in particular I well recollect:— 
James Pitcher, one of the crew of the Chance , was placed 
on the sick-list, and conveyed to Blackwell’s Island. He 
effected his escape from thence to Long Island; from 
wdiich, after having used the greatest precaution, he con¬ 
trived to cross the Sound, and arrived safe at home. He is 
now one of the three survivors of that vessel’s crew. 


102 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


CHAPTER XVIII. 

MEMORIAL TO GENERAL WASHINGTON. 

' “ The body maddened by the spirit’s pain, 

“ The wild, wild working of the breast and brain, 

“ The haggard eye, that horror widened, sees 
“ Death take the start of sorrow and disease ; 
u Here, such were seen and heard:—so close at hand, 

“ A cable’s length had reached them from the land; 

“ Yet farther off than ocean ever bore 
“ Eternity between them and the shore!” 

W. Read. 

YTOT WITHSTANDING the destroying pestilence which 
JLi was now raging to a degree hitherto unknown on 
board, new companies of victims were continually arriving; 
so that, although the mortality was very great, our mem¬ 
bers were increasing daily. Thus situated, and seeing no 
prospect of our liberation by exchange, we began to 
despair, and to believe that our certain fate was rapidly 
approaching. 

One expedient was at length proposed among us, and 
adopted. We petitioned General Clinton, who was then 
in command of the British forces at Xew York, for leave 
to transmit a Memorial to General Washington, describing 
our deplorable situation, and requesting his interference in 
our behalf. We further desired that our Memorial might 
be examined by the British General, and, if approved by 
him, that it might be carried by one of our number to 
General Washington. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


103 


Our petition was laid before the British commander by 
the Commissary of Prisoners, and was granted. We 
received permission to choose three from our number, to 
whom was promised a passport, with leave to proceed 
immediately on their embassy. 

Our choice was accordingly made, and I had the satis¬ 
faction to find that two of those elected were from among 
the former officers of the Chance , Captain Aborn and our 
Surgeon, Mr. Joseph Bowen. 1 

The Memorial was soon completed and signed, in the 
name of all the prisoners, by a Committee appointed for 
that purpose. It contained an account of the extreme 
wretchedness of our condition, and stated, that, although 
we were sensible that the subject was one over which 
General Washington had no direct control, as it was not 
usual for soldiers to be exchanged for seamen, and his 
authority not extending to the Marine Department of the 
American service ; yet still, although it might not be in his 
power to effect our exchange, we hoped that he would be 
able to devise some means to lighten or relieve our suf¬ 
ferings . 5 

Our messengers were further charged with a verbal com¬ 
munication for General Washington, which, for obvious 
reasons, was not included in the written Memorial. They 
were directed to state, in a manner more circumstantial 
than we had dared to write, the peculiar horrors of our 
situation; to describe the miserable food and putrid water 

• Allusion was made to this Committee from the Prisoners, in the Cor¬ 
respondence between General Washington and Admiral Digby. (Appendix 
L, No. 6 and Enclosures.) 

2 This Memorial very clearly sets forth the fact that the prisoners on the 
Jersey were acquainted with the causes which prevented their release, by 
exchange. 


104 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


on which we were doomed to subsist; and, finally, to assure 
the General that in case he could effect our release, we 
would agree to enter the American service as soldiers, and 
remain during the war. Thus instructed, our messengers 
departed. 

We waited, in alternate hope and fear, the event of their 
mission. Most of our number, who were natives of the 
Eastern States, were strongly impressed with the idea that 
some means would be devised for our relief, after such a repre¬ 
sentation of our condition should have been made. This class 
of the prisoners, indeed, felt most interested in the success 
of the application; for many of the sufferers appeared to 
give themselves but little trouble respecting it, and some, 
among the foreigners, did not even know that such an 
application had been made, or that it had even been in 
contemplation. The long endurance of their privations 
had rendered them almost indifferent to their fate, and 
they appeared to look forward to death as the only probable 
termination of their captivity. 

In a few days, our messengers returned to New York, 
with a letter from General Washington, addressed to the 
Committee of the prisoners who had signed the Memorial. 
The prisoners were all summoned to the Spar-deck, where 
this letter was read. Its purport was as follows :—That he 
had perused our communication, and had received with due 
consideration the account which our messengers had laid 
before him; that he viewed our situation with a high 
degree of interest; and that although our application (as 
we had stated) was made in relation to a subject over which 
he had no direct control, yet that it was his intention to 
lay our Memorial before Congress; and that, in the mean 
time, we might be assured that no exertion on his part 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP., 


105 


should be spared which could tend to a mitigation of our 
sufferings. 

He observed to our messengers, during their interview, 
that our long detention in confinement was owing to a 
combination of circumstances, against which it was very 
difficult, if not impossible, to provide. That, in the first 
place, but little exertion was made on the part of our coun¬ 
trymen to secure and detain their British prisoners for the 
purpose of exchange; many of the British seamen being 
captured by privateers on board which, as he understood, 
it was a common practice for them to enter as seamen; 
and that wdien this was not the case, they were usually set 
at liberty as soon as the privateer arrived in port; as 
neither the owners, nor the town or State where they were 
landed, would be at the expense of their confinement and 
maintenance; and that the officers of the General Gov¬ 
ernment only took charge of those seamen who were cap¬ 
tured by the vessels in the public service. All which 
circumstances combined to render the number of British 
prisoners, at all times, by far too small for a regular and 
equal exchange. 

General Washington also transmitted to our Committee 
copies of letters which he had sent to General Clinton and 
to the Commissary of Prisoners, which were also read to 
us. He therein expressed an ardent desire that a general 
exchange of prisoners might be effected; and if this could 
not be accomplished, he wished that something might be 
done to lessen the weight of our sufferings; that, if it was 
absolutely necessary that we should be confined on the 
water, he desired that we might at least be removed to 
clean ships. He added, if the Americans should be driven 
to the necessity of placing the British prisoners in situations 
14 


106 


RECOLLECTIONS OF TIIE 


similar to our own, similar effects must be the inevitable 
result; and that he therefore hoped they would afford us 
better treatment, from motives of humanity. He con¬ 
cluded by saying, that as a correspondence on the subject 
had thus begun between them, he ardently wished it might 
eventually result in the liberation of the unfortunate men 
wdiose situation had called for its commencement. 

Our three messengers did not return on board as pris¬ 
oners, but were allowed to remain on parole, at Flatbusli, 
on Long Island. 

We soon found an improvement in our fare . 1 The bread 
which we received was of a better quality, and we were 
furnished with butter instead of rancid oil. An awning 
was provided, and a wind-sail furnished to conduct fresh 
air between the decks during the day. But of this we were 
always deprived at night, when we most needed it, as the 
gratings must always be fastened over the hatchways; and 
I presume that our keepers were fearful, if it was allowed 
to remain, we might use it as a means of escape. 

We were, however, obliged to submit to all our priva¬ 
tions, consoling ourselves only with the faint hope that the 
favorable change in our situation, which we had observed 

1 It is not improbable that this melioration of the condition of the prisoners 
arose from other causes than the remonstrances of General Washington. 

In this connection, the following may be taken for what it is worth:— 

[From The New-Jersey Gazette, Vol. V. Numb. 239, Trenton, Wednesday, July 

24, 1782.] 

“ NEW-LONDON, June 21. 

“ We are informed that Sir Guy Carleton has visited all the prison-ships at 
“ New-York, minutely examined into the situation of the prisoners, and 
“ expressed his intentions of having them better provided for: That they were 
“ to be landed on Blackwell’s Island, in New-York harbour in the day-time, 
“ during the hot season.” 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


107 


for the last few days, might lead to something still more 
beneficial; although we saw but little prospect of escaping 
from the raging pestilence, except through the immediate 
interposition of divine Providence, or by a removal from 
the scene of contagion. 


108 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


CHAPTER XIX 


THE EXCHANGE 


“ The captive raised his slow and sullen eye; 

“ He knew no friend, nor deemed a friend was nigh ; 

“ Till the sweet tones of Pity touched his ears, 

“ And Mercy bathed his bosom with her tears. 

“ Strange were those tones, to him, those tears were strange; 
“ He wept, and wondered at the mighty change. 

i(c * 

“ Like Petek, sleeping in his chains, he lay; 

“ The angel came, and night was turned to day; 

“ ‘ Arise !’—his fetters fall; his slumbers lice; 

“ He wakes to life; he springs to liberty!” 


Montgomery. 


OOX after Captain Aborn liad been permitted to go to 



h3 Long Island on his parole, he sent a message on hoard 
the Jersey , informing us that his parole had been extended 
so far as to allow 7 his return home, but that he should visit 
us previous to his departure. He requested our First 
Lieutenant, Mr. John Tillinghast, to provide a list of the 
names of those captured in the Chance who had died, and 
also a list of the survivors, noting where each survivor was 
then contined, whether on board the Jersey , or one of the 
Hospital-ships. 

He also requested that those of our number who desired 
to w 7 rite to their friends at home, would have their letters 
ready for delivery to him, whenever he should come on 
board. The occupants of the Gun-room, and such of the 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


10‘J 

other prisoners as could procure the necessary materials, 
were, therefore, soon busily engaged in writing as particular 
descriptions of our situation as they thought it prudent to 
do, without the risk of the destruction of their letters; as 
we were always obliged to submit our writing for inspec¬ 
tion previous to its being allowed to pass from the ship. 
We, however, afterwards regretted that on this occasion 
our descriptions were not more minute, as these letters were 
not examined. 

The next day, Captain Aborn came on board, accom¬ 
panied by several other persons, who had also been liberated 
on parole; but they came no nearer to the prisoners than 
the head of the gangway ladder, and passed through the 
door of the barricado to the Quarter-deck . 1 This was, 
perhaps, a necessary precaution against the contagion, as 
they were more liable to be affected by it than if they had 
always remained on board; but we were much disappointed 
at not having an opportunity to speak to them. Our letters 
were delivered to Captain Aborn by our Lieutenant, 
through whom he sent us assurances of his determination 
to do every thing in his power for our relief; and that, if a 
sufficient number of British prisoners could be procured, 
every survivor of his vessel’s crew should be exchanged; 
and if this could not be effected, we might depend on 
receiving clothing, and such other necessary articles as 
could be sent for our use. 

About this time, some of the sick were sent ashore on 
Blackwell’s Island. This was considered a great indul¬ 
gence. I endeavored to obtain leave to join them, by 
feigning sickness, but did not succeed. The removal of the 

1 Probably the visit of the Committee of Officers referred to in Appendix 
I., Nos. 7, 8, 9, and 10. 


110 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


sick was a great relief to ns, as the air was less foul between 
decks, and we had more room for motion. Some of the 
bunks were removed, and the sick were carried on shore as 
soon as their condition was known. Still, however, the 
pestilence did not abate on board, as the weather was 
extremely warm. In the daytime, the heat was excessive, 
but at night it was intolerable. 

But we lived on hope, knowing that, in all probability, 
our friends at home had ere then been apprised of our 
condition; and that some relief might perhaps be soon 
afforded us. 

Such was our situation, when, one day, a short time 
before sunset, we descried a sloop approaching us, with a 
white flag at her mast-head, and knew, by that signal, that 
she was a Cartel; and, from the direction in which she 
came, supposed her to be from some of the Eastern States. 
She did not approach near enough to satisfy our curiosity, 
until we were ordered below for the night. 

Long were the hours of that night to the survivors of our 
crew. Slight as was the foundation on which our hopes 
had been raised, we had clung to them as our last resource. 
Ho sooner were the gratings removed in the morning, than 
we were all upon deck, gazing at the Cartel. Her deck 
was crowded with men, whom we supposed to be British 
prisoners. In a few minutes, they began to enter the Com¬ 
missary’s boats, and proceeded to Hew York. 

In the afternoon, a boat from the Cartel came alongside 
the hulk, having on board the Commissary of Prisoners; 
and by his side sat our townsman, Captain William Corey, 
who came on board with the joyful information that the 
sloop was from Providence, with English prisoners, to be 
exchanged for the crew of the Chance. The number which 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


Ill 


she had brought was forty , 1 being more than sufficient to 
redeem every survivor of our crew then on board the 

Jersey. 

I immediately began to prepare for my departure. 
Having placed the few articles of clothing which I pos¬ 
sessed in a bag (for, by one of our By-laws, no prisoner, 
when liberated, could remove his chest), I proceeded to 
dispose of my other property on board, and after having 
made sundry small donations of less value, I concluded by 


1 Compare this statement of the number of prisoners exchanged on this occa¬ 
sion with that portion of the following description which relates to the 
prisoners brought from Providence, and with that which follows, showing the 
number which arrived at that place after the debarkation, at Barrington, of 
young Bicknell:— 

I. [From The Royal Gazette, No. 605, New-York, Wednesday, July 17, 1782.] 

“ The following is a State of the 
“NAVY PRISONERS , 

“ who have within the last twelve days been exchanged, and brought to this city, viz 


“ From Boston 

102 ' 


“ Rhode-Island 

40 

>- British Seamen. 

“ New-Lon don 

84 

“ Baltimore ( Maryland ) 

oq 
> J 


“ Total 

249 



“ The exertions of those American Captains who published to the world, in this 
“ Gazette, dated July 3 d, the real state and condition of their countrymen, prisoners 
“here, and the true cause of their durance and sufferings, we are informed was 
“greatly conducive to the bringing this exchange into an happy effect. We have 
“ only to lament that the endeavours of those who went, for the same laudable pur- 
“pose, to Philadelphia, have not hitherto been so fortunate .''’ 

II. [From The Pennsylvania Packet or, the General Advertiser, Vol. XI. Numb. 
924, Philadelphia, Thursday, August 15, 1782.] 

“ PROVIDENCE, July 27. 

“Sunday last a flag of truce returned here from New-York, and brought 39 
“ prisoners.” 



112 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


giving my tin kettle to one of my friends, and to another 
the remnant of my cleft of fire-wood. 

I then hurried to the upper deck, in order to be ready to 
answer to my name, well knowing that I should hear no 
second call, and that no delay would be allowed. 

The Commissary and Captain Corey were standing 
together on the Quarter-deck; and as the list of names 
was read, our Lieutenant, Mr. Tillinghast, was directed 
to say whether the person called was one of the crew of the 
Chance . As soon as this assurance was given, the indi¬ 
vidual was ordered to pass down the Accommodation- 
ladder into the boat. Cheerfully was the word “ Here !” 
responded by each survivor as his name was called. My 
own turn at length came, and the Commissary pointed to 
the boat. I never moved with a lighter step, for that 
moment was the happiest of my life. In the excess and 
overflowing of my joy, I forgot, for a while, the detestable 
character of the Commissary himself; and even, Lleaven 
forgive me! bestowed a bow upon him as I passed. 

We took our stations in the boat in silence. Ho con¬ 
gratulations were heard among us. Our feelings were too 
deep for utterance. For my own part, I could not refrain 
from bursting into tears of joy. 

Still there were intervals when it seemed impossible that 
we were in reality without the limits of the Old Jersey . 
We dreaded the idea that some unforeseen event might still 
detain us; and shuddered with the apprehension that we 
might yet be returned to our dungeons. 

When the Cartel arrived, the surviving number of our 
crew on board the Jersey was but thirty-five. This fact 
being well known to Mr. Tillinghast, and finding that the 
Cartel had brought forty prisoners, he allowed five of our 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


118 

companions in tlie Gun-room to answer to the names of the 
same number of our crew who had died; and having dis¬ 
guised themselves in the garb of common seamen, they 
passed unsuspected. 

It was nearly sunset when we had all arrived on board 
the Cartel. No sooner had the exchange been completed, 
than the Commissary left us, with our prayers that we 
might never behold him more. I then cast my eyes 
towards the hulk, as the horizontal rays of the setting 
sun glanced on her polluted sides, where, from the bends 
upwards, filth of every description had been permitted to 
accumulate for years; and the feelings of disgust which the 
sight occasioned are indescribable. The multitude on her 
Spar-deck and Forecastle were in motion, and in the act of 
descending for the night; presenting the same appearance 
that met my sight when, nearly five months before, I had, 
at the same hour, approached her as a prisoner. 

15 


114 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


CHAPTER XX. 


THE CARTEL 


“ At length returned unto my native shore, 

“ How changed I find those scenes which pleased before. 
“ In sickly ships, what num’rous hosts confined, 

“ At once, their lives and liberties resigned. 

“ In dreary dungeons, woful scenes have passed; 

“ Long in tradition shall the story last: 

“ As long as Spring renews the flowery wood, 

“ Or Summer’s breezes curl the yielding flood.” 


Freneau. 


* 6 OWN, Rebels, down!” was tlie insulting mandate 



U by wbicli we had usually been sent below for tlie 
night; and now, as we stood on the deck of the Cartel, 
watching the setting sun, I could hardly persuade myself 
that I should not soon hear that unfeeling order shouted 
forth by some ruffian sentinel behind me. 

During the evening, every thing around us contributed 
to our gratification. It was a pleasure to us even to look 
at the lighted candles; for, except on the night of the 
attempted escape, described in a former chapter, we had 
not seen any thing of the kind for months. We derived 
enjoyment from gazing at the stars, not one of which we 
had seen, in its zenith, since our capture, having never 
been permitted to look abroad in the night, except through 
the massy gratings or iron bars of our prison. 

We had no desire for sleep, and the whole night was 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


115 


spent in conversation, during whicli I learned the particular 
circumstances in relation to our exchange. 

CD 

On his arrival at Providence, Captain Aborn had lost 
no time in making the details of our sufferings publicly 
known; and a feeling of deep commiseration was excited 
among our fellow-citizens. Messrs. Clarke & Nightingale, 
the former owners of the Chance ,* in conjunction with other 
gentlemen, expressed their determination to spare no exer¬ 
tion or expense necessary to procure our liberation. It was 
found that forty British prisoners were at that time in 
Boston. These were immediately procured, and marched 
to Providence, where a sloop, owned and commanded by a 
Captain Gladding, of Bristol, was chartered, to proceed 
with the prisoners forthwith to New York, that they might 
be exchanged for an equal number of our crew. Captain 
Corey was appointed as an Agent to effect the exchange 
and to receive us from the Jersey; and having taken on 
board a supply of good provisions and water, he hastened 
to our relief. He received much assistance in effecting his 
object from our townsman, Mr. John Creed, at that time 
Deputy-commissary of Prisoners. I do not recollect the 
exact day of our deliverance, but think it was early in the 
month of October, 1782. 1 2 


1 Clarke & Nightingale was the style of one of the best-known commer¬ 
cial houses in America, during the latter part of the last century. 

Mr. Clarke resided on Beuelit street, Providence, in a house which occu¬ 
pied the site on which the residence of Thomas C. Hoppin, Esq., now stands. 
His two daughters were married, one to Oliver Kane, Esq., of New-York; 
the other to Professor Hare, of Philadelphia. 

Mr. Nightingale resided in the mansion, on Benefit street, Providence, 
which is now occupied by John Carter Brown, Esq. 

2 Concerning the probable date of the release of the crew of the Chance , it 
is proper to take some notice, in view of this opinion of Captain Dring. 

The extract from The Royal Gazelle , of the seventeenth of July (ante, 111, 


116 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


The sun rose brightly on the morning after our exchange. 
We spent the time while our breakfast was preparing in 
viewing once more the detested place of our long confine¬ 
ment ; and while the prisoners were crowding on deck, we 
could occasionally discern among them the figures of some 
of our former messmates. We could not but compare their 
situation with our own; and sweet as was the taste to us of 
wholesome food, gladly would we have relinquished our 
repast, could we have sent it to them. 

Our plentiful breakfast produced a great effect upon our 
spirits. We soon began to think and feel that we were, 
once more, men. Our anxiety for the arrival of Captain 
Corey from the shore was extreme. At length, about ten 
o’clock, he came on board and ordered the sloop to be got 
under way. No windlass nor capstan was necessary for 
that purpose, for we grasped the cable with our hands and 
run the anchor up to the bow in a moment. The sails 
were rapidly set; and, with the wind and tide in our favor, 
we soon lost sight of the Jersey , the Hospital-ships, and the 
dreaded sand-bank of the Wale bogt. 


note), indicates, within a few days, the time when the forty British prisoners 
were carried from Rhode Island to New York for exchange: the extract from 
The Pennsylvania Packet, taken from a Providence paper of the twenty-seventh 
of July, indicates with equal certainty the exact date ( Sunday, July 21st) when 
the thirty-nine American naval prisoners, who had been released from the 
Prison-ships at New York, reached that town,—the fortieth , poor Bicknell, 
who had been left at Barrington {post, 118,119), completed the number of those 
who had been exchanged. 

The number and character of prisoners released, the State to which they 
belonged, the number of prisoners who reached Providence, and the explana¬ 
tion afforded by the Recollections for the difference of numbers,—the difficulty 
of effecting exchanges of naval prisoners also forming an important element 
in the evidence,—agree so entirely with the circumstances attending the 
release of the crew of the Chance , that there is no doubt that they refer to it. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


117 


We were obliged to pass near the shore of Blackwell’s 
Island, where were several of our crew, who had been sent 
on shore among the sick. They had learned that the Cartel 
had arrived from Providence for the purpose of redeeming 
the crew of the Chance , and expected to be taken on board. 
Seeing us approaching, they had, in order to cause no 
delay, prepared for their departure, and stood together on 
the shore, with their bundles in their hands; but, to their 
unutterable disappointment and dismay, they saw us pass 
by. We knew them, and bitterly did we lament the neces¬ 
sity of leaving them behind. We could only wave our 
hands as we passed; but they could not return the saluta¬ 
tion, and stood, as if petrified with horror, like statues, 
fixed immovably to the earth, until we had vanished from 
their sight. 

I have since seen and conversed with one of these unfor¬ 
tunate men, who afterwards made his escape. He informed 
me that their removal from the Jersey to the Island was 
productive of the most beneficial effects upon their health, 
and that they had been exulting at the improvement of 
their condition; but their terrible disappointment over¬ 
whelmed them with despair. They then considered their 
fate inevitable, believing that in a few days they must be 
again conveyed on board the hulk, there to undergo all the 
agonies of another death. 

We were hailed and examined by two Guard-ships near 
the Island, but were not long detained. When this was 
over, and all fear of further detention by our enemies had 
vanished, we gave way at once to our unrestrained feelings. 
We breathed a purer air; it was the air of Freedom. 
Every countenance was lighted up with smiles, and every 
heart swelled with expectation. Each hour presented some 


118 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


new and pleasing object; some well-known "spot, some 
peaceful dwelling, or some long-remembered spire. 

Several of our crew were sick when we entered the 
Cartel, and the sudden change of air and diet caused some 
new cases of fever. This we attributed, in a great degree, 
to our having partaken too freely of fish and vegetables, a 
diet to which we had long been unaccustomed, and with 
which we were then abundantly supplied. No one, how¬ 
ever, died on board the sloop. 

One of our number, who was thus seized by the fever, 
was a young man named Bicknell, of Barrington, Bhode 
Island. He was unwell when we left the Jersey , and his 
symptoms indicated the approaching fever; and when we 
entered Narragansett Bay, he was apparently dying. 
Being informed that we were in the Bay, he begged to be 
taken on deck, or at least to the hatchway, that he might 
look once more upon his native land. He said that he was 
sensible of his condition; that the hand of death was upon 
him; but that he was consoled by the thought that his 
remains would be decently interred, and be suffered to 
rest among those of his friends and kindred. I was 
astonished at the degree of resignation and composure 
with which he spoke. He pointed to his father’s house, as 
we approached it, and said it contained all that was dear 
to him on earth. He requested to be put on shore. Our 
Captain was intimately acquainted with the family of the 
sufferer; and as the wind was light, we dropped our anchor, 
and complied with his request. He was placed in the boat, 
where I took a seat by his side, in order to support him; 
and, with two boys at the oars, we left the sloop. In a few 
minutes, his strength began rapidly to fail. He laid his 
fainting head upon my shoulder, and said he was going to 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


119 


the shore, to be buried with his ancestors; that this had 
long been his ardent desire, and that God had heard his 
prayers. No sooner had we touched the shore, than one of 
the hoys was sent to inform his family of the event. They 
hastened to the boat to receive their long-lost son and 
brother; but we could only give them his yet warm but 
lifeless corpse. 1 


1 The difference between the number of prisoners sent from New York, as 
described in The Royal Gazette ( ante , 111, note), and that which arrived at Provi¬ 
dence, as described in the extract from a Providence newspaper republished 
in The Pennsylvania Packet (ante, 111, note), affords indisputable evidence of the 
correctness of this portion of the Recollections of Captain Dking. 


120 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


CHAPTER XXI. 

OUR ARRIVAL HOME. 


“ There is a spot of earth supremely blest, 

“ A dearer, sweeter spot than all the rest, 

“Where man, creation’s tyrant, casts aside 
“His sword and sceptre, pageantry and pride. 

“ Here -woman reigns; the mother, daughter, wife, 

“ Strew with fresh flowers the narrow way of life. 

“ Where shall that land, that spot of earth be found ? 

“ Art thou a man?—a patriot?—look around: 

“Oh, thou shalt find, howe’er thy footsteps roam, 

“ That land thy country, and that spot thy home !” 

Montgomery. 

A FTER remaining for a few minutes with the friends 
of our deceased comrade, we returned to the sloop, and 
proceeded up the river. It was about eight o’clock in the 
evening when we reached Providence. There were no 
quarantine regulations to detain us; but, as the yellow 
fever was raging among us, we took the precaution to 
anchor in the middle of the stream. It was a beautiful 
moonlight evening; and the intelligence of our arrival 
having spread through the town, the nearest wharf was in a 
short time crowded with people, drawn together by curios¬ 
ity, and a desire for information relative to the fate of their 
friends and connections. 

Continual inquiries were made from the anxious crowd 


JERSEY PKISON-SH1P. 


P21 


on tlie land respecting tlie condition of several different 
individuals on board. At length the information was given 
that some of our number were below, sick with the yellow 
fever. No sooner was this fact announced than the wharf 
was totally deserted; and, in a few minutes, not a human 
being remained in sight. “The Old Jersey Fever,” as it 
was called, was well known throughout the whole country. 
All were acquainted with its terrible effects; and it was 
shunned as if its presence were certain destruction. 

After the departure of the crowd, the sloop was brought 
alongside the wharf, and every one who could walk, imme¬ 
diately sprang on shore. So great was the dread of the 
pestilence, and so squalid and emaciated were the figures 
which we presented, that those among us who^e families 
did not reside in Providence found it almost impossible to 
gain admittance into any dwelling. There being at that 
time no hospital in or near the town, and no preparations 
having been made for the reception of the sick, they were 
abandoned for that night. They were, however, supplied in 
a few hours with many small articles necessary for their 
immediate comfort, by the humane people in the vicinity 
of the wharf. 

The friends of the sick who belonged in the vicinity of 
the town were immediately informed of our arrival; and 
in the course of the following day, these were removed 
from the vessel. For the remainder of the sufferers, ample 
provision was made, through the generous exertions of 
Messrs. Clakk & Nightingale. 

Solemn indeed are the reflections which crowd upon my 
mind, as I review the events which are here recorded. 
Forty-two years have passed away since this remnant of 
our ill-fated crew were thus liberated from their wasting 
16 


122 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


captivity. In that time, what changes have taken place! 
Of their whole number, but three are now alive. James 
Pitcher, Doctor Joseph Bowen, and myself, are the sole 
survivors. Of their officers, I alone remain. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


123 


CONCLUSION. 

I CANNOT close these sketches without referring to the 
fate of the Old Jersey. At the expiration of the war, 
in 1783, the prisoners remaining on hoard were liberated; 
and the hulk, being considered unfit for further use, was 
abandoned where she lay. The dread of contagion pre¬ 
vented every one from venturing on board, and even from 
approaching her polluted frame. But the ministers of 
destruction were at work. Her planks were soon filled 
with worms, who, as if sent to remove this disgrace to the 
name of common humanity, ceased not from their labor 
until they had penetrated through her decaying bottom, 
through which the water rushed in, and she sunk. With 
her went down the names of many thousands of our coun¬ 
trymen, with which her inner planks and sheathing were 
literally covered; for but few of her inmates had ever 
neglected to add their own names to the almost innumera¬ 
ble catalogue. Could these be counted, some estimate 
might now be made of the whole number who were 
there immured; but this record has long since been con¬ 
signed to eternal oblivion. It is supposed that more men 
perished on her decks than ever died in any other place of 
confinement on the face of the earth, in the same number 
of years. 1 

i See extract from the Address of Hon. Jonathan Russell, delivered at 
Providence, July 4, 1800. (Appendix XI.) 


124 


RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 


Notwithstanding the lapse of time, and the consequent 
decay and dissolution of the remains of the multitudes who 
were buried on the shore, which were continually washed 
from the sand, and wasted by the elements, when, in the 
year 1803, the bank at the Wale bogt was removed, for the 
purpose of building a Navy Yard, a very great quantity of 
bones were collected. A memorial was presented to Con¬ 
gress, requesting an appropriation sufficient to defray the 
expenses necessary for their interment, and for the erection 
of a suitable Monument upon the spot; but the application 
was unsuccessful. In the year 1808 the bones were interred, 
under the direction of the Tammany Society of New York, 
attended by a solemn funeral procession, in the presence of 
a vast concourse of citizens and the corner-stone of a 
Monument was laid (to use the impressive words which 
were inscribed upon it), “ in the name of the Spirits of the 
“ Departed Free .” 1 2 


1 For an elaborate description of this procession, and the various ceremonies 
of the day, see The Public Advertiser , Vol. II., No. 400, New York, Friday, 
May 27, 1808, and the little volume issued by “ The Wallabout Committee,” in 
1808. 

2 Mr. Henry T. Tuckerman, some fifteen years ago, gravely informed his 
readers {Life of Silas Talbot, Edit. N. Y. 1850, page 92), that the remains of 
the victims of the Old Jersey had been “ decently interred, with a monument 
“ erected over them, near the site of their living sepulchre P 

About live years after the publication of Mr. Tuckerman’ s volume, with the 
information which has been quoted, an association was organized in the city 
of Brooklyn, entitled “The Martyrs’ Monument Association,” having for 
its object the erection of “a suitable Mcfriument to the Memory of those who 
“ died martyrs to the Revolution, in the British Prison-ships in the Wallabout 
“Bay;” and many of the best-known residents of Brooklyn were among its 
officers and members, all of whom were evidently ignorant of the existence of 
any such monument as Mr. Tuckerman has described. 

That Association issued an appeal, from the pen of its President, Honorable 
George Taylor, in which the assistance of the liberal was solicited; and 
from the carefully prepared pages (iii., iv.) of that well-known pamphlet, Mr. 


JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 


125 


Tuckekman may learn that, in 1855, “the truth had recently found notice, 
“ that there had been gathered beneath no monumental pile , the dust of those 
“hundreds upon hundreds of our fathers, who, by their heroic patriotism and 
“ daring love of liberty, were impelled, in the great crisis in our country’s 
“history, to serve in our then infant navy; and who, through British cruelty, 
“ were sacrificed to the sacred cause of that Revolution, in Prison-ships in the 
“ Wallabout Bay!” * * * * “ Uro.v the shores of the Wallabout, ^ the Asso¬ 
ciation continued, “in the sands of which lie whatever is unscattered of the remains 
“ of those worthies, a movement has begun, designed to redeem the obligation, 
“with respect to them, which neglect in the past has entailed upon this genera- 
“ tion.” 

If the reader will inquire of those who are best acquainted with the subject, 
he will learn that in 1865,—fifteen years after Mr. Tuckekman wrote the sen¬ 
tence which was first quoted,—the unscattered remains of the victims still 
continue undisturbed “in the sands, upon the shores of the Wallabout,” 
where they have rested since the days of David Sproat and the Old Jersey; 
and that the first course of masonry has yet to be laid on the corner-stone, 
which, in April, 1808, was laid “in the name of the Spirits of the Departed 
“ Free”—the corner-stone of that monument which, in 1850, Mr. Tuckekman, 
while mounted on his Pegasus, poetically described as already “erected.” 




APPENDIX. 


BY THE EDITOR. 





















APPENDIX. 


I. 


DOCUMENTS 


RELATING TO NAVAL PRISONERS. 


1. GENERAL WASHINGTON’S CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE 
OFFICER COMMANDING THE BRITISH FLEET AT NEW YORK, 
CONCERNING THE NAVAL PRISONERS. 

1. GENERAL WASHINGTON TO ADMIRAL ARBUTHNOT. 

Head-Quarters, 25 January, 1781. 

Sir : 

Through a variety of channels, representations of too serious a 
nature to be disregarded have come to us, that the American naval 
prisoners in the harbor of New-York are suffering all the extremities 
of distress, from a too crowded and in all respects disagreeable and 
unwholesome situation, on board the Prison-ships, and from the want 
of food and other necessaries. The picture given us of their suffer¬ 
ings is truly calamitous and deplorable. If just, it is the obvious 
interest of both parties, omitting the plea of humanity, that the causes 
should be without delay inquired into and removed; if false, it is 
equally desirable, that effectual measures should be taken to obviate 
misapprehensions. This can only be done by permitting an officer, of 
confidence on both sides, to visit the prisoners in their respective con¬ 
finements, and to examine into their true condition. This will either 
at once satisfy you that by some abuse of trust in the persons imme- 
17 




130 


APPENDIX. 


diately charged with the care of the prisoners, their treatment is really 
such as has been described to us and requires a change; or it will 
convince us that the clamors are ill-grounded. A disposition to aggra¬ 
vate the miseries of captivity is too illiberal to be imputed to any but 
those subordinate characters, who, in every service, are too often 
remiss or unprincipled. This reflection assures me that you will 
acquiesce in the mode proposed for ascertaining the truth and detect¬ 
ing delinquency on one side or falsehood on the other. 

The discussions and asperities which have had too much place on 
the subject of prisoners are so irksome in themselves, and have had 
so many ill consequences, that it is infinitely to be wished that there 
may be no room given to revive them. The mode I have suggested 
appears to me calculated to bring the present case to a fair, direct, and 
satisfactory issue. I am not sensible of any inconveniences it can be 
attended with, and I therefore hope for your concurrence. 

1 shall be glad, as soon as possible, to hear from you on the subject. 

I have the honor to he, Ac., 

G. Washington. 


2. ADMIRAL ARKUTIINOTS REPLY. 

Royal Oak , off New-York, 21 April, 1781. 

Sir : 

If I had not been very busy when I received your letter dated the 
25th of January last, complaining of the treatment of the naval pris¬ 
oners at this place, I certainly should have answered it before this 
time; and, notwithstanding I then thought, as I now do, that my 
own testimony would have been sufficient to put the truth past a 
doubt, I ordered the strictest scrutiny to be made into the conduct of 
all parties concerned in the victualling and treatment of those unfor¬ 
tunate people. Their several testimonies you must have seen, and I 
give you my honor that the transaction was conducted with such 
strict care and impartiality that you may rely on its validity. 

Permit me now, Sir, to request that you will take the proper steps 
to cause Mr. Bradford, your Commissary, and the Jailer at Philadel¬ 
phia, to abate that inhumanity which they exercise indiscriminately 
upon all people who are so unfortunate as to be carried into that 
place. 


APPENDIX. 


131 


I will not trouble you, Sir, with a catalogue of grievances, further 
than to request that the unfortunate may feel as little of the severities 
of war as the circumstances of the time will permit, that in future 
they may not he fed in winter with salted clams, and that they may 
be afforded a sufficiency of fuel. 

I am, Sir, 

Your most obedient 

and humble servant, 

M. Akuutiixot. 


2. PROCEEDINGS IN THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, CONCERNING 
THE NAVAL PRISONERS CONFINED IN NEW YORK AND 
ITS VICINITY. 

FRIDAY, August 3, 1781. 

4c 4c 4= * 4c 4c 

The Committee, consisting of Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Siiarpe, Mr. 

Clymer, appointed to take into consideration the state of the Ameri¬ 
can prisoners in the power of the enemy, report, 

“That they have collected together and cursorily looked into various 
“ evidences of the treatment our unhappy fellow-citizens, prisoners 
“ with the enemy, have heretofore, and still do meet with, and find 
“ the subject of so important and serious a nature as to demand much 
“ greater attention, and fuller consideration, than the present dis- 
“ tressed situation of those confined on board the Prison-ships at 
“ New York will now admit of;” wherefore they beg leave to make a 
partial report, and desire leave to sit again. 

They accordingly submitted a report; whereupon, 

“ Resolved , That it appears to Congress that a very large number of 
“marine prisoners and citizens of these United States taken by the 
“ enemy, are now close confined on board Prison-ships in the harbor 
“ of New York: 

“ That the said Prison-ships are so unequal in size to the number of 
“ prisoners, as not to admit of a possibility of preserving life in this 
“ warm season of the year, they being crowded together in such a 



132 


APPENDIX. 


“ manner as to be in danger of suffocation, as well as exposed to every 
“kind of putrid and pestilential disorder: 

“ That no circumstances of the enemy’s particular situation can 
“justify this outrage on humanity, it being contrary to the usage and 
“ custom of civilized nations, thus deliberately to murder their cap- 
“ tives in cold blood, as the enemy will not assert that Prison-ships, 
“ equal to the number of prisoners, cannot be obtained so as to afford 
“ room sufficient for the necessary purposes of life: 

“ That the enemy do daily improve these distresses to enlist and 
“ compel many of our citizens to enter on board their ships of war, 
“ and thus to fight against their fellow-citizens and dearest con- 
“ nections: 

“ That the said marine prisoners, until they can be exchanged, 
“ should be supplied with such necessaries of clothing and provisions 
“ as can be obtained to mitigate their present sufferings: 

“ That, therefore, the Commander-in-chief be, and he is hereby, 
“ instructed to remonstrate to the proper officer within the enemy’s 
“lines, on the said unjustifiable treatment of our marine prisoners, 
“ and demand, in the most express terms, to know the reasons of this 
“ unnecessary severity towards them; and that the Commander-in- 
“ chief transmit such answer as may be received thereon, to Congress, 
“ that decided measures for due retaliation may be adopted, if a redress 
“ of these evils is not immediately given: 

“ That the Commander-in-chief be, and he is hereby, also instructed 
“ to direct the supplying the said prisoners with such provisions and 
“light clothing, for their present more comfortable subsistence, as 
“ may be in his power to obtain, and in such manner as he may judge 
“ most advantageous for these United States. 

“ Ordered , That the Committee have leave to sit again.” 


APPENDIX. 


133 


3. GENERAL WASHINGTON’S CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE 
OFFICER COMMANDING AT NEW YORK, AGREEABLY TO THE 
FOREGOING INSTRUCTIONS BY THE CONGRESS. 

1. GENERAL WASHINGTON TO COMMODORE AFFLECK. 

Head- Quarters , 21 August, 1781. 

Sir : 

The almost daily complaints of the severities exercised towards the 
American marine prisoners in New York, have induced the Honorable 
the Congress of the United States to direct me to remonstrate to the 
commanding officer of his Britannic Alajesty’s ships of war in that har¬ 
bor upon the subject, and to report to them his answer. The principal 
complaint now is, the inadequacy of the room in the Prison-ships to 
the number of prisoners confined on board of them, which causes the 
death of many, and is the occasion of most intolerable inconveniences 
and distresses to those who survive. This line of conduct is the more 
aggravating, as the want of a greater number of Prison-ships, or of 
sufficient room on shore, cannot be pleaded in excuse. 

As a bare denial of what has been asserted by so many individuals, 
who have unfortunately experienced the miseries I have mentioned, 
will not be satisfactory, I have to propose that our Commissary- 
general of prisoners, or any other officer, who shall be agreed upon, 
shall have liberty to visit the ships, inspect the situation of the pris¬ 
oners, and make a report, from an exact survey of the situation in 
which they may be found, whether, in his opinion, there has been any 
just cause of complaint. 

I shall be glad to be favored with an answer as soon as convenient. 

I have the honor to be 

Your most obedient servant, 

G. Washington. 


2. CAPTAIN AFFLECK'S REPLY. 

New York , 30 August, 1781. 

Sir: 

I intend not either to deny or to assert, for it will neither facilitate 
business nor alleviate distress. The subject of your letter seems to 
turn upon two points, namely the inconveniences and distresses, which 


134 


APPENDIX. 


the American prisoners suffer from the inadequacy of room in the 
Prison-ships, which occasions the death of many of them, as you are 
told; and that a Commissary-general of prisoners from you shall 
have liberty to visit the ships, inspect the situation of the prisoners, 
and make a report from an actual survey. 

I take leave to assure you, that I feel for the distresses of mankind 
as much as any man; and, since my coming to the naval command in 
this department, one of my principal endeavors has been to regulate 
the Prison and Hospital-ships. 

The Government having made no other provision for naval prisoners 
than shipping, it is impossible that the greater inconvenience, which 
people confined on board ships experience beyond those confined on 
shore, can be avoided, and a sudden accumulation of people often 
aggravates the evil. But I assure you, that every attention is shown 
that is possible, and that the Prison-ships are under the very same 
regulations here, that have been constantly observed towards the 
prisoners of all nations in Europe. Tables of diet are publicly affixed, 
officers visit every week, redress and report grievances, and the num¬ 
bers are thinned as they can provide shipping, and no attention has 
been wanting. 

The latter point cannot be admitted in its full extent; but if you 
think fit to send an officer of character to the lines for that purpose, 
he will be conducted to me, and he shall be accompanied by an officer, 
and become a witness of the manner in which we treat the prisoners. 
And I shall expect to have my officer visit the prisoners detained in 
your jails and dungeons in like manner, as well as in the mines, where 
I am informed many an unhappy victim languishes out his days. 

I must remark, had Congress ever been inclined, they might have 
contributed to relieve the distresses of those we are under the neces¬ 
sity of holding as prisoners, by sending in all in their possession 
towards the payment of the large debt they owe us on that head, 
which might have been an inducement towards liberating many now 
in captivity. 

I have the honor to be, Sir, 

With due respect, &c., 

El>m. Affleck. 


APPENDIX. 


135 


4. EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM GENERAL WASHINGTON TO 
THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 

Philadelphia , 27 December, 1781. 

Sir : 

>(c 5fc 

I have taken the liberty of enclosing the copies of two letters from 
the Commissary-general of prisoners, setting forth the debt, which is 
due from ns on account of naval prisoners, the number remaining in 
captivity, their miserable situation, and the little probability there is of 
procuring their release for the want of proper subjects in our hands. 

Before we proceed to an inquiry into the measures, which ought to 
be adopted to enable us to pay our debt, and to effect the exchange of 
those, who still remain in captivity, a matter which it may take some 
time to determine, humanity and policy point out the necessity of 
administering to the pressing wants of a number of the most valuable 
subjects of the republic. 

Had they been taken in the Continental service, I should have 
thought myself authorized, in conjunction with the Minister of War, 
to apply a remedy; hut as the greater part of them were not thus 
taken, as appears by Mr. Skinner’s representation, I must await the 
decision of Congress upon the subject. 

Ilad a system, some time ago planned by Congress and recommended 
to the several States, been adopted and carried fully into execution, 
I mean that of obliging all Captains of private vessels to deliver over 
their prisoners to the Continental Commissioners upon certain condi¬ 
tions, I am persuaded that the numbers taken and brought into the 
many ports of the United States would have amounted to a sufficiency 
to have exchanged those taken from us; but instead of that, it is to 
be feared, that few in proportion are secured, and that the few, who 
are sent in, are so partially applied, that it creates great disgust in 
those remaining. The consequence of which is, that conceiving them¬ 
selves neglected, and seeing no prospect of relief, many of them enter 
into the enemy’s service, to the very great loss of our trading interest. 
Congress will, therefore, I hope, see the necessity of renewing their 
former, or making some similar, recommendation to the States. 

In addition to the motives above mentioned, for wishing that the 


136 


APPENDIX. 


whole business of prisoners of war might be brought under one gen¬ 
eral regulation, there is another of no small consideration, which is, 
that it would probably put a stop to those mutual complaints ot ill 
treatment which are frequently urged on each part. For it is a fact, 
that, for above two years, we have had no reason to complain of the 
treatment of the Continental land prisoners in New York, neither 
have we been charged with any improper conduct towards those in 
our hands. I consider the sufferings of the seamen for some time past, 
as arising in a great measure from the want of that general regula¬ 
tion, which has been spoken of, and without which there will con¬ 
stantly be a great number remaining in the hands of the enemy. 

I have the honor to be, 

Your most obedient servant, 

G. Washington. 


5. GENERAL WASHINGTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 

Philadelphia , 18 February, 1782. 

Sir: 

I do myself the honor to enclose copies of the reports of the Com¬ 
missary-general of prisoners, who has just returned from New' York, 
with copies of the papers to which he refers. Your Excellency 
will perceive thereby, that the restriction upon the exchange of 
Lieutenant-general Earl Cornwallis operates against the liberation of 
Brigadier-general Scott, seven Colonels and two Lieutenant-colonels, 
who upon the principles of the tariff established between us and the 
enemy, are equivalent to his Lordship in value. 

I also enclose the copy of a letter from Sir Henry Clinton, by 
which it would appear that the exchange of Mr. Laitrens might be 
effected for Earl Cornwallis, should Congress think proper to accede 
to the proposal. I beg leave to remark upon that letter, tiiat there 
has been some misconception either on the part of Colonel Laurens 
or Lord Cornwallis, as to what passed on the subject in Virginia. 
Colonel Laurens asked me there, whether, supposing an exchange 
could be effected betw'een his father and his Lordship, I should have 



APPENDIX. 


*> 

*> < 


any objection to it. I answered, none personally, and that, as Con¬ 
gress had made no difficulty in offering General 15u rgo y n e for Mr. 
Laurens, I thought they might how probably offer Lord Cornwallis, 
but that the matter did not depend upon me. This I find has been 
construed into absolute consent on my part. 

With respect to the policy of prohibiting the exchange of Lord 
Cornwallis I will not pretend to determine. I cannot, however, 
help observing, that it operates disagreeably in giving uneasiness to 
those officers of ours, who can only be exchanged by composition, and 
who are by the enemy set against him, and that it may be considered 
as a departure from the spirit of the terms of the capitulation of 
York. 

Mr. Srroat’s proposition of the exchange of British soldiers for 
American seamen, if acceded to, will immediately give the enemy a 
very considerable reinforcement, and will be a constant draft hereafter 
upon the prisoners of war in our hands. It ought also to be consid¬ 
ered, that few or none of the naval prisoners in New York and else¬ 
where belong to the Continental service. I however feel for the 
situation of these unfortunate people, and wish to see them relieved 
by any mode, which will not materially affect the public good. In 
some former letters upon this subject I have mentioned a plan, by 
which I am certain they might be liberated nearly as fast as captured. 
It is by obliging the Captains of all armed vessels, both public and 
private, to throw their prisoners into common stock under the direc¬ 
tion of the Commissary-general of prisoners. By these means they 
would be taken care of, and regularly applied to the exchange of those 
in the hands of the enemy. Now the greater part are dissipated, and 
the few that remain are applied partially. I shall be obliged to your 
Excellency for obtaining and transmitting to me the sentiments of 
Congress upon these subjects as early as convenient. 

I have the honor to be, 

Your most obedient servant, 

G. Washington. 


is 


APPENDIX. 


138 

6. LETTER FROM A COMMITTEE OF THE PRISONERS ON BOARD 
THE JERSEY, TO JAMES RIVING TON, WITH THE ENCLO¬ 
SURES. 

[From The Royal Gazette , No. 595, New York, Wednesday, June 12, 17S2.] 

On board the prison ship Jersey , June 11, 1782. 

Sm, 

I NCLOSED are five letters, which if you will give a place in your 
news-paper, will greatly oblige a number of poor prisoners who 
seem to be deserted by our own countrymen, who has it in their 
power and will not exchange us. 

In behalf of the whole, we beg leave to subscribe ourselves, 

Sir, 

Your much obliged Servants, 

John Cooper, 

John Sheffield, 

Signed in behalf of the whole Wm. Chad, 

Rich. Eccleston, 
John Baas. 

To Mr. James Rivington, Printer. 


[in CLOSURES.] 

I. DAVID S PRO AT, COMMISSARY OF PRISONERS, TO TIIE PRISONERS ON 

BOARD TIIE JERSEY . 

New-York , 11th June, 1782. 

mills will be handed you by Captain Daniel Aborn, and Doctor 
A Joseph Bowen, who, agreeable to your Petition to his Excellency 
Rear-Admiral Digby, have been permitted to go out, and are now 
returned from General Washington’s Head-Quarters, where they 
delivered your petition to him, represented your disagreeable situation 
at this extreme hot season of the year, and in your names solicited 
his Excellency to grant you speedy relief, by exchanging you for a 
part of the British soldiers, prisoners in his hands, the only possible 
means in his power to effect it. 


APPENDIX. 


189 

Mr. A born and the Doctor waits on you with his answer, which 
J am sorry to say is a flat denial. 

Inclosed I send you copies of three letters which have passed 
between Mr. Skinner and me, on the occasion, which will convince 
you that every thing has been done on the part of Admiral Digby, to 
bring about a fair and general exchange of prisoners on both sides. 

I am, Your most humble Servant, 

David Sproat, 

Commissary-General for 
Naval Prisoners. 

To the Prisoners on board his 
Majesty’s prison-ship Jersey. 


‘2. DAVID SPROAT, BRITISH COMMISSARY, TO ABRAHAM SKINNER, AMER¬ 
ICAN COMMISSARY OF PRISONERS. 

New-York, 1st June, 178:2. 
Sir 

YTTIIEN I last saw you at Elizabeth-Tovvn, I mentioned the bad con- 
»» sequence, which in all probability would take place in the hot 
weather, if an exchange of prisoners was not agreed to by the com¬ 
missioners on the part of General Washington. 

His Excellency Rear-Admiral Digby has ordered me to inform yon, 
that the very great increase of prisoners and heat of the weather now 
baffles all our care and attention to keep them healthy: Five ships 
have been taken up for their reception, to prevent being crouded, and 
a great number permitted to go on parole. 

In Winter, and during the cold weather, they lived comfortably, 
being fully supplied with warm cloathing, blankets, &c. purchased with 
the money which I collected from the charitable people of this city; 
but now the weather requires a fresh supply—something light and 
suitable to the season—for which you will be pleased to make the 
necessary provision ; as it is impossible for them to he healthy in the 
rags they now wear, without a single shift of cloathing to keep them¬ 
selves clean. Humanity, sympathy, my duty and orders obliges me 
to trouble you again on this disagreeable subject, to request you will 
lose no time in laying this their situation before his Excellency Gen- 


140 


APPENDIX. 


oral Washington, who, I hope, will listen to the cries of a distressed 
people, and grant them (as well as the British prisoners in his hands) 
relief, by consenting to a general and immediate exchange. 

I am, Sir, 

Your most obedient Servant, 

David Sproat, 
Commissary-General for 
Naval Prisoners. 


Abraham Skinner, Esq; 
Commissary-General for Prisoners. 


3. COMMISSARY SKINNER'S ANSWER. 


Sir, 


New- York, June 9th, 1782. 


I ROM the present situation of the American naval prisoners on 
board your prison ships, T am induced to propose to you the 
exchange of as many of them as T can give you British naval prisoners 
for; leaving the balance already due to you to be paid when in our 
power. I could wish this to be represented to his Excellency Rear 
Admiral Digby, and that the proposal could be acceded to, as it wou’d 
relieve many of those distrest men and be consistent with the humane 
purposes of our office. 

I will admit that we are unable at present, to give you seaman for 
seaman and thereby relieve the prison ships of their dreadful burthen ; 
but it ought to be remembered that there is a large balance of British 
soldiers 1 due to the United States, since February last, and that as we 
have it in our power, we may be disposed to place the British soldiers 
who are now in our possession in as disagreeable a situation as those 
men are on board the prison ships. 

I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

> Abm. Skinner 


Com. Gen. for Prisoners. 

David Sproat, Esq; 

Com. Gen. for Naval 
Prisoners, Ncw-York. 


1 About 250 men who Mr. Sproat offered to discount if a general exchange took place.— 
Ed. of The Royal Gazette. 


APPENDIX. 


141 


4. COMMISSARY SPROAT’S REPLY. 

New- York , June 9, 1782. 

Sir, 

r HAVE received your letter of this date, and laid it before his 
Excellency Rear Admiral Digby, commander in chief, Ac. Ac. Ac. 
who has directed me to give for answer, that the balance of prison¬ 
ers , 1 owing to the British having proceeded from lenity and humanity, 
on the part of himself and those who commanded before his arrival, is 
surprized you have not been induced to offer to exchange them first; 
and until this is done cannot consent to your proposal of a partial 
exchange, leaving the remainder, as well as the British prisoners in 
your hands to linger in confinement. 

Conscious of the American prisoners under my direction, being in 
every respect taken as good care of as their situation and ours will 
admit; you must not believe that Admiral Digby will depart from the 
justice of this measure, because you have it in your power to make 
the British Soldiers who are prisoners with you, more miserable than 
there is any necessity for. 

I am, Sir, 

Your humble Servant. 

David Sproat, 
Commissary-General for 
Naval Prisoners. 

Abraham Skinner, Esq; American 
Commissary-General for Prisoners, 
at present in New-York. 

1 Upwards of 1,800 Naval Prisoners have been sent more than we have received.—F.n. 
of The Royal Gazette. 


142 


APPENDIX. 


5. ADDRESS TO THEIR COUNTRYMEN BY THE COMMITTEE OF AMERICAN 
NAVAL PRISONERS ON BOARD THE JERSEY.' 


On board the Prison Ship Jersey, 

New York, June 11. [1782.] 

Friends and Fellow Countrymen of America. 


VrOU may bid a final adieu to all your friends and relations who are 
1 now on board the Jersey prison ship at New-York, unless you 
rouse the government to comply with just and honourable proposals, 
which has already been done on the part of Britons, but alas! it is 
with pain we inform you, that our petition to his Excellency General 
Washington, offering our services to the country during the present 
campaign, if he would send soldiers in exchange for us, is frankly 
denied. 

What is to be done ? are we to lie here and share the fate of our 
unhappy brothers who are dying daily ? JJo, unless you relieve us 
immediately, we shall be under the necessity of leaving our country, 
in preservation of our lives. 


Signed in behalf of prisoners, 


John Cooper, 

John Sheffield, 
William Chad, 
Richard Eccleston, 
George Wanton, 
John Baas. 


Mr. James Rivington, Printer, New York. 


1 This Address was reproduced in (Hugh Gaines’s) The New-York Gazette: and the 
Weekly Mercury , No. 1,600, New York, Monday, June 17,1782. 




APPENDIX. 


143 



OF WAR, TO JAMES R1VINGTON; WITH A REPORT OF A SUB¬ 
COMMITTEE ON THE CONDITION OF THE PRISONERS ON 
BOARD THE JERSEY. 

[From The Royal Gazette , No. 599, New York, Wednesday, June 26, 1782.] 

New- York, 22d June, 1782. 

oik, 

\I7E beg you will be pleased to give the inclosed Report and Resolve 
* ' °f a number of Masters of American vessels, a place in your 
next News-paper, for the information of the public. In order to unde¬ 
ceive numbers of our countrymen without the British lines, who have 
not an opportunity of seeing the state and situation of the prisoners 
in New-York, as we have done, 

We are, Sir, 

Your most obedient humble servants, 


Robert Harris, 1 
John Ciiace, 


Charles Collins, 2 
Philemon IIaskell, 
Jonathan Carnes. 


To Mr. Rivington. 


[ R F. PORT.] 


IE, whose names are hereunto subscribed, late Masters of American 



* T vessels, which have been captured by the British cruizers and 
brought into this port, having obtained the enlargement of our paroles 
from his Excellency Rear Admiral Digby, to return to our respective 
homes, being anxious before our departure to know the true state and 
situation of the prisoners confined on board the prison ships and 
prison hospital ships, have requested and appointed six of our number, 
viz: Robert Harris, Charles Collins, John Chace, Philemon IIas- 

1 Captain of the sloop Industry. 

2 Captain of the Swordptih, of Warren, li. I., which was taken into New York with the 
Cluince. ( Ante , 24.) 


144 


APPENDIX. 


kell, Jonathan Carnes, and Christopher Smith, to go on board the 
said prison ships and prison hospital ships for that purpose, and the 
said Robert Harris, Charles Collins, John Chace, Philemon Has¬ 
kell, Jonathan Carnes, and Christopher Smith, having gone on 
hoard five of those vessels, attended by Mr. David Sproat, Commissary 
General for Naval Prisoners, and Mr. George Rutherford, Surgeon to 
the prison hospital ships; do report to us that they have found them 
in as comfortable a situation as it is possible for prisoners to be on 
board of ships at this season of the year, and much more so than they 
had any idea of, and that any thing said to the contrary, is false and 
without foundation : That they inspected their beef, pork, dour, bread, 
oatmeal, pease, butter, liquors, and indeed every other species of pro¬ 
visions which is issued on board his Britannic Majesty’s ships of war, 
and found them all good of their kind, which survey being made 
before the prisoners, they acknowledged the same and declared that 
they had no complaint to make but the want of cloaths and a speedy 
exchange: We, therefore, from this Report, and what we have all seen 
and known, DO DECLARE, that great commendation is due to his 
Excellency, Rear-Admiral Digby, for his humane disposition and 
indulgence to his prisoners, and also to those he entrusts the care of 
them to; viz. the Captain and officers of his Majesty’s prison ship 
Jersey , for their attention in preserving good order, having the ship 
kept clean and awnings spread over the ichole of her, ’fore and ’aft: To 
Doctor Rutherford and the Gentlemen acting under him as Mates, 
for their constant care and attendance on the sick, whom avc found in 
wholesome clean ships; also, covered with awnings, ’fore and ’aft, every 
man furnished with a cradle, bed and sheets, made of good Russia 
linen, to lay in; the best of fresh provisions, vegetables, Avine, rice, 
barley, &c. Avhich was served out to them. And Ave further do 
declare, in justice to Mr. Sproat, and the gentlemen acting under him 
in his department, that they conscientiously do their duty Avith great 
humanity and indulgence to the prisoners, and reputation to them¬ 
selves: And we unanimously do agree, that nothing is Avanting to pre¬ 
serve the lives and health of those unfortunate prisoners but clean 
cloaths, and a speedy exchange, which testimony Ave freely give with¬ 
out constraint, and covenant each Avith the other, to endeavour to 
effect their exchange as soon as possible : For the remembrance of 


APPENDIX. 


145 


this our engagement, we have furnished ourselves with copies of this 
instrument of writing. 

Given under our hands at New York, the twenty-second day of 


June, 1782. 


Captains. 


Robert Harris, 
Charles Collins, 
John Cijace, 
Philemon Haskell, 
John Carnes, 
Christopher Smith, 
' James Gaston, 
John Tanner, 
Daniel A born, 1 
Richard Mumford, 
Robert Clifton, 
John M. Kever, 

C J. Bowen, Doctor. 2 


8. LETTER FROM DAVID SPROAT, BRITISH COMMISSARY OF 
PRISONERS, TO JAMES RIVINGTON, WITH ENCLOSURES. 

[From The Royal Gazette , No. GUI, New-York, Wednesday, July 3,17S2.] 

New-York, July 2, 1782. 
Sir, 

I NCLOSED I send you a letter from Abraiiam Skinner, Esq; for 
publication, which you will observe is by his own request; there¬ 
fore be pleased to give it a place in your newspaper tomorrow, as well 
as the other two letters herewith inclosed the one from his Excellency 
General Washington, to his Excellency Rear Admiral Digby, and the 
other the Admiral’s answer to him, which I have been allowed also to 
publish, to shew the public, that the evils brought on the prisoners 
proceed from want of being regularly exchanged. 

I am, Sir, your most obedient servant, 

David Sproat, 

Commissary General for 

Mr. James Rivington, Naval Prisoners. 

Printer, New-York. 


1 Lute Captain of the Chance. 

19 


2 Late Surgeon of the Chance. 





14G 


APPENDIX. 


[iyci. OSUKKS.] 

1. GENEliAL WASHINGTON TO REAR-ADMIRAL DIGBY. 

Head-Quarters, June 5th, 1782. 

Sjh, 

B y a parole, granted to two gentlemen, Messrs. Aborn and Bowen, 
I perceive that your Excellency lias granted them permission to 
come to me with a representation of the sufferings of the American 
naval-prisoners at New-York. 

As I have no agency on naval matters, this application to me is 
made on mistaken grounds—But curiosity leading me to enquire into 
the nature and cause of their sufferings, I am informed that the prin¬ 
cipal complaint is, that of their being crouded, especially at this 
season, in great numbers on board of foul and infectious prison ships, 
where disease and death are almost inevitable. This circumstance I 
am persuaded needs only to be mentioned to your Excellency to obtain 
that redress which is in your power only to afford, and which human¬ 
ity so strongly prompts. 

If the fortune of war, Sir, has thrown a number of these miserable 
people into your hands, I am certain your Excellency’s feelings for 
fellow men, must induce you to proportion the ships (if they must be 
confined on board ships) to their accommodation and comfort, and not 
by croiuling them together in a few, bring on disorders which con¬ 
sign them by half dozens in a day to the grave. 

The soldiers of his Britannic Majesty, prisoners with us, were they 
(which might be the case) to be equally crouded together in close and 
confined prisons, at this season, would be exposed to equal loss and 
misery. 

I have the honor to be, Sir, 

Your Excellency’s most obedient 

Humble Servant, 

Geo. Washington. 

llis Excellency Rear-Admiral Digry. 


APPENDIX. 


147 


2. HE All-ADMIRAL DIGBY’S ANSWER. 


yew-York, June 8, 1783. 
Sin, 

M Y feelings prompted me to grant Messrs. A hoiin and Bowen per¬ 
mission to wait on your Excellency to represent their miserable 
situation. And if your Excellency’s feelings on this occasion are like 
mine, you will not hesitate one moment relieving both the British and 
Americans suffering under confinement. 

I have the Honour to be, 

Your Excellency’s, 

Very obedient Servant, 

It. Dioiiw 

His Excellency General Washington. 


3. COMMISSARY ABIIAIIAM SKINNER TO COMMISSARY DAVID Sl’ROAT. 

Camp , Highlands , June 24tli, 1782. 
Sin, 

A S I perceive by a New-York paper of the 12th instant, the last 
letters which passed between us on the subject of naval prisoners 
have been committed to print, I must request the same be done with 
this, which is intended to contain some animadversions on those pub¬ 
lications. 

The principles and policy which appear to actuate your superiors in 
their conduct towards the American seamen, who unfortunately fall 
into their power, are too apparent to admit of a doubt or misappre¬ 
hension. I am sorry to observe Sir, that notwithstanding the affecta¬ 
tion of candour and fairness on your part, from the universal tenor of 
behaviour on your side of the lines; it is obvious, that the designs of 
the British is, by misrepresenting the state of facts with regard to 
exchanges, to excite jealousy in the minds of our unfortunate seamen, 
that they are neglected by their countrymen, and by attempting to 
make them believe, that all the miseries they are now suffering in con¬ 
sequence of a pestilential sickness, arise from want of inclination in 


APPENDIX. 


148 

General Washington to exchange them when lie lias it in his power 
to do it; in hopes of being able by this insinuation, and by the unre¬ 
lenting severity you make use of in confining them in the contaminated 
holds of prison ships, to compel them, in order to avoid the dreadful 
alternative of almost inevitable death, to enter the service of the King 
of Great-Britain. 

To shew that these observations are just and well grounded, I think 
it necessary to inform you of some facts which have happened within 
my immediate notice, and to put you in mind of others which you 
cannot deny. 1 was myself present at the time when Captain A born 
and Doctor Bowen, (who were permitted by Admiral Digby to come 
out and represent their situation, and solicit the exchange of naval for 
land prisoners,) waited on his Excellency General Washington, and 
know perfectly well the answer his Excellency gave to that applica¬ 
tion ;—he informed them in the first place, that he was not directly or 
indirectly invested with any power or interference respecting the 
exchange of naval prisoners; that this business was formerly under 
the direction of the Board of Admiralty, that upon the annihilation of 
that Board, Congress had committed it to the Financier (who had in 
charge all our naval prisoners) and he to the Secretary at War; that 
he (the General) was notwithstanding disposed to do everything in his 
power for their assistance and relief; that as exchanging seamen for 
soldiers was contrary to the original agreement for the exchange of 
prisoners, which specified that officers should be exchanged for officers, 
soldiers for soldiers, citizens for citizens, and seamen for seamen; as 
it was contrary to the custom and practice of other nations, and as it 
would be, in his opinion, contrary to the soundest policy, by giving the 
enemy a great and permanent strength, for which we could receive no 
compensation, or at best, but a partial and temporary one, he did not 
think it would be admissible; but as it appeared to him, from a variety 
of well authenticated information, the present misery and mortality 
which prevailed among the naval prisoners, were almost entirely, if 
not altogether, produced by the mode of their confinement, being closely 
crowded together in infectious prison-ships, where the very air is preg¬ 
nant with disease, and the ships themselves (never having been cleaned 
in the course of many years) a mere mass of putrefaction ; he would 


APPENDIX. 


149 


therefore, from motives of humanity, write to Rear-Admiral Rigby, 
in whose power it was to remedy this great evil, hy confining them on 
shore, or having a sufficient number of prison-ships provided for the 
purpose; for he observed, it was as preposterously cruel to confine 
800 men, at this sultry season, on board the Jersey prison-ship, as it 
would he to shut up the whole army of Lord Cornwallis to perish in 
the New Gaol of Philadelphia; but if more commodious and healthy 
accommodations were not afforded, we had the means of retaliation in 
our hands, which he should not hesitate in that case, to make use of, 
by confining the land prisoners with as much severity as our seamen 
were held.—The Gentlemen of the Committee appeared to lie sensible 
of the force of those reasons, however repugnant they might he to 
the feelings and wishes of the men who had destruction and death 
staring them in the face. 

His Excellency was further pleased to suffer me to go to New York 
to examine into the ground of the suffering of the prisoners, and to 
devise, if possible, some way or another, for their liberation or relief: 
With this permission T went to your lines; and in consequence of the 
authority I had been previously invested with, from the Secretary at 
War, T made the proposal contained in my letter to you of the 9th 
inst. Although I could not claim this as a matter of right, I flatter’d 
myself it would have been granted from the principles of humanity as 
well as other motives. There had been a balance of 495 land prisoners 
due to us ever since the month of February last, when a settlement 
was made; besides which, to the best of my belief, 400 have been sent in 
(this is the true state of the fact, though it differs widely from the 
account of 250 men, which is falsely stated in the note annexed to my 
letter in the New-York paper): notwithstanding this balance, I was. 
then about sending into your lines a number of land prisoners, as an 
equivalent for ours, who were then confined in the Sugar-House, with¬ 
out which (though the debt was acknowledged) I could not make 
interest to have them liberated; this business has since been actually 
negociated, and we glory in having our conduct, such as will bear the 
strictest scrutiny, and be found consonant to the dictates of reason, 
liberality and justice. But, Sir, since you would not agree to the pro¬ 
posals I made, since 1 was refused being permitted to visit the prison- 


150 


APPENDIX. 


ships (for which I conceive no other reason can be produced than 
your being ashamed or afraid of having those graves of our seamen 
seen by one who dared to represent the horrors of them to Ids coun¬ 
trymen). Since the commissioners from your side, at their late 
meeting, would not enter into an adjustment of the accounts for 
supplying your naval and land prisoners, on which there are large 
sums due to us; and since your superiors will neither make provision 
for the support of your prisoners in our hands, nor accommodation 
for the mere existence of ours, who are now languishing in your 
prison-ships, it becomes my duty, Sir, to state these pointed facts to 
you, that the imputations may recoil where they are deserved, and to 
report to those, under wdiose authority I have the honor to act, that 
such measures as they deem proper may be adopted. 

And now, Sir, I will conclude this long letter, with observing that 
not having a sufficiency of British seamen in our possession, we are 
not able to release ours by exchange; this is our misfortune, but it is. 
not a crime, and ought not to operate as a mortal punishment against 
the unfortunate—we ask no favour; we claim nothing but common 
justice and humanity, while we assert to the whole world, as a noto¬ 
rious fact, that the unprecedented inhumanity in the mode of confining 
our naval prisoners, to the amount of 800, in one old hulk, which has 
been made use of as a prison-ship for more than years, without ever 
having been once purified, has been the real and sole cause of the 
death of hundreds of brave Americans who would not have perished 
in that untimely and barbarous manner, had they (when prisoners) 
been suffered to breathe a purer air, and to enjoy more liberal and 
convenient accommodations, agreeably to the practice of civilized 
nations, when at war, the example which has always been set you by 
the Americans: You may say, and I shall admit, that if they were 
placed on islands and more liberty given them, that some might desert; 
but is not this the case with your prisoners in our hands ? And could 
we not avoid this also if we were to adopt the same rigid and inhu¬ 
man mode of confinement you do ? 

I beg, Sir, you will be pleased to consider this as addressed to 
you officially, as the principal executive officer in the department of 
naval-prisoners, and not personally; and that you will attribute any 


APPENDIX. 


151 


uncommon warmth of style, which 1 may have been led into, to my 
feeling and animation, on a subject, with which I find myself so much 
interested, both from the principles of humanity and the duties of 
office. 


I am, SIR, 

Your most obedient Servant, 

Abram Skinner, 
Commissary-General for 
Prisoners. 


David Sproat, Esq. 


4. COMMISSARY SPROAT’S ANSWER. 

New-York, June 30, 1783. 

Sir, 

I RECEIVED your letter, dated Highlands, the 24th instant, and in 
' compliance with your request, will send it to the Press for publica¬ 
tion. 

The animadversions you have been pleased to make in the last 
letters which passed between us on the subject of exchange of pris¬ 
oners, are exceedingly indelicate; many of them not founded on 
matters of fact, and therefore will not answer the purpose for which 
they seem calculated, viz. to shut the mouths of your injured country¬ 
men from complaining against those in power amongst you. 

Whether his Excellency General Washington Commander-in-Chief 
lias agency on naval matters, or whether the exchange of prisoners 
comes under the immediate direction of the Financier or Secretary at 
War, is but small consolation for the poor captive to know, after the 
effects resulting from long confinement has brought on his ruin. In 
this manner, according to custom, it appears you are attempting to 
vindicate the character of those under whose authority you say you 
have the honor to act, by endeavouring to throw the blame off your¬ 
selves on my superiors here, as being the cause of the prisoners suffer¬ 
ing in confinement; such doctrine from your side the lines brings 
nothing new. It is become quite common for your public writers, 
when Americans strike the blow, to attempt to cast the odium on the 


APPENDIX. 


152 

British, and trumpet the injury as received, when in fact themselves 
are the aggressors. 

The present case is exactly in point.—In the beginning of April last, 
when the Commissioners met at Elizabeth Town, his Excellency Rear- 
Admiral Digby empowered those on the part of the British, to offer in 
exchange the American seamen for British soldiers man for man, 
because you had not a sufficient number of British seamen, or the least 
prospect of collecting as many, to give in exchange for your own who 
were then in confinement here; and because he foresaw the impossi¬ 
bility of keeping them healthy when the hot season of the year would 
come on ; but this generous proposal was rejected by the Commission¬ 
ers on the part of General Washington, in consequence of which many 
prisoners on both sides, have fell victims to your cruelty, in not suffer¬ 
ing their exchanges to take place: And it is evident to the world, 
however you may gloss the matter, that the deaths of many may be 
altogether attributed to this cause. Read the declaration hereunto 
subjoined, of a number of old experienced Masters of American ves¬ 
sels ; 1 surely no one will be so hardy as contradict what they have said 
in the matter; which is, that the best care possible is taken of them, 
and that nothing is wanted to relieve them, but the want of Cloaths 
and a speedy Exchange; which is clearly proved lays solely with Gen. 
Washington to comply with or some other person in power amongst 
you. 

Your not having a sufficiency of British seamen to exchange yours 
who are prisoners here, I never did allege was a “ crime,” but give 
me leave Sir, to say, that I think it shews a very great want of 
humanity and certainly is a crime in you, not to make use of the 
British soldiers in your hands in exchange for your own seamen ; how¬ 
ever policy may dictate, every good man must shudder at the thought 
of devoting such a number of your fellow creatures to drag out life in 
confinement; it is really a wonder that they do not all enter into our 
service rather than submit to such treatment. 

You may say that you was refused leave to go on board the prison 
ships—This I deny, on the contrary, Sir, when it was proposed, you 

1 The “ Report and Resolves” of the Masters of American vessels, published in The Royal 
Gazette , on Wednesday, the twenty-sixth of June, 17S2 (ante, p. 143), were appended to 
this letter.—ii. b. i>. 


APPENDIX. 


153 


declined it—and 1 cannot help taking notice of your claiming the merit 
of shewing us the example of treating the prisoners well. Do but call 
to mind the numbers of British sailors and soldiers who have been 
coop’d up in the goals, at Philadelphia at this season of the year, 
crouded as much as ever the prison ships here, and fed on a scanty 
allowance of dried stinking clams, and bread and water only,—in 
order to compel them to enter on board your privateers: Of the 
example set at Boston, and in other ports, where your ships of war 
have been, in pressing the British subjects, who were prisoners at the 
time, on board of them, against their will, and this as often as they 
had occasion for their service. But our mission admits not of contro¬ 
versy, therefore I shall rest the merit of this_cause on the following 
declaration of your own people. 

I am, SIR, 

Your most obedient humble Servant, 

David Sproat, 
Commissary-General for 
Naval-Prisoners. 

P. S. The note respecting the balance of prisoners due you by Mr. 
Torino, which you have been disposed to call false, was taken from 
himself, who has since made a more particular inspection of the 
accounts as they stood at that time, and finds the balance to be no 
more than 245. 

Abram Skinner, Esq., Commissary- 
General, at; Camp, Highlands, 
or elsewhere. 


9. ANSWER TO THE REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF OFFICERS 
ON THE CONDITION OF THE PRISONERS ON BOARD OF THE 
OLD JERSEY. 

[From The Independent Chronicle , August, 17S2.] 

Mr. Printer : 

Happening to be at Mr. Bracket’s tavern last Saturday, and hearing 
two gentlemen conversing on the surprising alteration in regard to the 
treatment our prisoners met with in New-York, and as I have had 
20 



154 


APPENDIX. 


the misfortune to be more than once a prisoner in England, and in 
different prison ships in New-York, and having suffered every thing 
but death, I cannot help giving all attention to any thing I hear or 
read relating to the treatment our brave seamen met with on board 
the prison ships in New-York. One of the gentlemen observed, that 
the treatment to our prisoners must certainly be much better, as so 
many of our commanders had signed a paper that was wrote by Mr. 
David Sproat, the commissary of naval prisoners in New-York. The 
other gentleman answered, and told him he could satisfy him in regard 
to that matter, having seen and conversed with several of the captains 
that signed Mr. Sprout’s paper, who told him that although they had 
put their hands to the paper, that Mr. Sproat sent them on Long 
Island, where they were upon parole, yet it was upon these conditions 
they did it, in order to have leave to go home to their wives and fam¬ 
ilies, and not be sent on board the prison ship, as Mr. Sproat had 
threatened to do if they refused to sign the paper that he sent them. 
These captains further said, that they did not read the paper nor hear 
it read. The gentleman then asked them, how they could sign their 
names to a paper they did not read; they said it was because they 
might go home upon parole. I le asked one of them why he did not con¬ 
tradict it since it had appeared in the public papers, and was false; he 
said he dare not at present, for fear of being recalled and sent on 
board the prison ship and there end his days; but as soon as he was 
exchanged he would do it. 

If this gentleman, through fear, dare not contradict such a piece of 
falsehood, I dare, and if I was again confined on board the prison ship 
in New-York, dare again take the boat and make my escape, although 
at the risk of my life. 

Some of the captains went on board the prison ship with Mr. Sproat, 
a few moments, but did not go,off the deck. 

In justice to myself and country, I am obliged to publish the above. 

Capt. ROVER. 


Ihston, August 7, 1782. 


APPENDIX. 


1 55 

10. AFFIDAVIT CONCERNING CAPTAIN HARRIS, ONE OF THE COM¬ 
MITTEE WHO SIGNED THE REPORT ON THE CONDITION OF 
THE PRISONERS ON BOARD THE OLD JERSEY. 

[From The Pennsylvania Packet , or, the General Advertiser , Yol. XI. Numb. 1)35, Phila 
delphia, Tuesday, September 10, 1782.] 

Pennsylvania, ss. 

The voluntary Affidavit of JOHN KITTS, of the city of Philadelphia, 
late mate of the sloop Industry , commanded by Robert Harris, taken 
before the subscriber, chief justice of the commonwealth of Pennsyl¬ 
vania, the sixteenth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
seven hundred eiglity-two. 

rpilIS deponent saitli, that in the month of November last he was 
A walking in Front-street with the said Robert Harris, and saw in 
his hand a paper, which he told this deponent he had received from a 
certain captain Kuhn, who had been lately from NeAv-York, where 
he had been a prisoner; and that this deponent understood and 
believed it was a permit or pass to go to New-York Avith any vessel, 
as it Avas blank and subscribed by admiral Arbuthnot; that he does 
not knoAv that the said Robert Harris ever made any improper use 
of the said paper, but is inclined to think he did not; as he soon after 
told this deponent that he had returned it to captain Kuhn again. 
And further saith not. 

JOHN KITTS. 

Sworn, at Philadelphia, the day 
and year abovesaid, before 


THU. MTvEAN. 


APPENDIX. 


15 (> 

11. AFFIDAVIT OF JOHN COCHRAN, DENYING THE TRUTH OF 
THE STATEMENTS CONTAINED IN THE REPORT OF THE 
COMMITTEE OF OFFICERS. 

[From The Pennsylvania Packet, or, the General Advertiser, Vol. XI. Numb. 935, 
Philadelphia, Tuesday, September 10,17S‘2.] 

Pennsylvania, ss. 

The voluntary Affidavit of JOHN COCHRAN, of the city of Phila¬ 
delphia, late mate of the ship Admiral Zoutman , of Philadelphia, taken 
before the subscriber, chief justice of the commonwealth of Penn¬ 
sylvania, the 16th day of July, 1782. 

riHIE said deponent saith, that lie was taken prisoner on board the 
* aforesaid ship on the 12th day of March last, by the ship Garland , 
belonging to the king of Great-Britain, and carried into the city of 
New-York on the 15th of the same month, when he was immediately 
put on board the prison ship Jersey , with the whole crew of the 
Admiral Zoutman , and was close confined there until the first day of 
this month, when he made his escape; that the people on board the 
said prison-ship Jersey were very sickly, insomuch that he is firmly 
perswaded, out of near a thousand persons, perfectly healthy when 
put on board the same ship, during the time of his confinement on 
board, there are not more than between three or four hundred now 
alive; that when he made his escape there were not three hundred 
men well on board, but upwards of one hundred and forty very sick, 
as he understood and was informed by the physicians; that there 
were five or six men buried daily under a bank on the shore, without 
coffins; that all the larboard side of the said prison ship Jersey , was 
made use of as a hospital for the sick, and was so offensive that he 
was obliged constantly to hold his nose as he passed from the gun¬ 
room up the hatchway, or he believes the smell would have knocked 
him down; that he seen maggots creeping out of a wound of one 
Sullivan’s shoulder, who was the mate of a vessel out of Virginia; 
and that his wound remained undressed for several days together; 
that every man was put into the hold a little after sun-down every 
night, and the hatches put over him; and that the tubs, which were 


APPENDIX. 


157 


kept for the use of the sick, for their excrements, were placed under 
the ladder from the hatchway to the hold, and so offensive, day and 
night, that they were almost intolerable, and increased the num¬ 
ber of the sick daily. This deponent further saith, that the 
bilge-water was very injurious in the hold; and the same ship, 
from the lower deck to the hold, was muddy and dirty, and 
never was cleaned out or sweetened during the whole time he was 
there, nor, as he was informed, and believes to be true, for many 
years before; for fear, as it was reported, the provisions might be 
injured thereby; that the sick, in the hospital part of the said prison- 
ship Jersey , had no sheets of Russia or any other linen, nor beds or 
bedding furnished them; and those who had no beds of their own, of 
whom there were great numbers, were not even allowed a hammock, 
but were obliged to lie on the planks; that he was on board the said 
prison-ship, when Captain Robert Harris and others, with David 
Sproat, the commissary of naval prisoners, came on board her, and 
that none of them went, or attempted to go below decks, in said ship, 
to see the situation of the prisoners, nor did they ask a single ques¬ 
tion respecting that matter, to this deponent’s knowledge or belief; 
for that he was present the whole time they were on board. And fur¬ 
ther this deponent saith not. 

JOHN COCHRAN. 

Sworn, at Philadelphia, the day 
and year abovesaid, before 

T11EO. M‘KEAN. 


158 


APPENDIX. 


II. 

CAPTAIN DANIEL ABORN. 

This gentleman, the commander of the Chance , was a member of 
one of the oldest and most respectable families in New England. 

One of this name was an early settler at Salem, Massachusetts, 
whence, early in the last century, his grandson, Samuel, removed to 
Rhode Island, and settled at or near Wickford, where he died, in 1764, 
aged sixty-four years. 

Samuel’s son, Joseph, married Elizabeth Scranton ; and four 
children, William, Daniel, Elizabeth, and Maky (wife of Sylvester 
Rhodes), were the fruits of their union. 

Daniel, his second son, the subject of this sketch, was born in New¬ 
port, Rhode Island, on the first of July, 1749. He was married on the 
eighth day of January, 1769, to Mary Arnold, of Cranston, Rhode 
Island; and two children — 1 , Jonathan, born on the twenty-second 
of August, 1772, and, 2, Dorcas Tourtellot, born on the fifteenth of 
June, 1774—were the fruits of the union. 

lie commanded the privateer Chance, when she was captured by 
the Belisarius , and he shared with his officers and crew the horrors of 
a confinement on the Old Jersey. 

While thus imprisoned, as related in the Recollections of Captain 
Dring, he was appointed a member of the Committee which waited 
on General Washington, to solicit his interference in behalf of the 
prisoners; and he was, also, one of those who signed the Report 
which, to some extent, exonerated the British officers from the charges 
of oppression with which they were charged. 

He was subsequently paroled; and through his solicitations, as 
stated in the text, the crew of the Chance were released by exchange, 
after an imprisonment of about two months. 

On the first day of December, 1786, Captain Aborn sailed for the 
West Indies, in a fine vessel; but as nothing more was heard of him, 
it is supposed that he was lost during a severe gale which occurred on 
t he third or fourth day after his departure from Providence. 























APPENDIX. 


159 


The fine portrait of Captain Aborn which illustrates this brief 
sketch ot his life, was taken from the original crayon drawing belong¬ 
ing to his grandson, Robert W. Aborn, Esq., of the city of New York. 


III. 

SAILING-MASTER SYLVESTER RHODES. 

Sylvester Rhodes, Sailing-master of the Privateer Chance , was 
descended from one of the early settlers of New England— Zachary 
Rhodes, who came from England to Plymouth at an early day, and 
subsequently settled, with his wife Joanna, daughter of William 
Arnold, one of the original settlers of the State, at Pawtuxet, Rhode 
Island. 1 

Malachi Rhodes, son of Zachary, bad a son, who was also named 
Malachi ; and the latter had a son named James, who was born in 
1710, and died on the ninth of October, 1797. 

James Rhodes had three sons: Robert, who was born on the first 
of April, 1742, married Piiebe Smith, on the seventh of April, 1763 ; 
and died on the twenty-fifth of March, 1821 ; 2 Sylvester, the subject 

1 Mr. Rhodes was “potentially banished” from Massachusetts, because he was “in the 
way of dipping”—that is, he was a Baptist (Roger Williams to the General Court of Mas¬ 
sachusetts, loth. 9 mo. 1G55). Together with his brother, Stephen Arnold, he wasadmitted 
a freeman of the Colony, at May Term of the General Court, in 165S; and at the same Term, 
appeared as the Representative in that body for the town of Providence. In 1659, he was 
associated with Roger Williams and four others in the same office; and in 1661, 1662, and 
1663, he was in the same office, and discharged its duties with evident honor and use¬ 
fulness. 

2 His granddaughter, Eliza Allen —a daughter of General Christopher Rhodes, of 
Pawtuxet, Rhode Island—married Hon. John Rcssf.ll Bartlett, Secretary of State of 
Rhode Island, well known to every student of American history; another, Sallif. Aborn, 
sister of the late Mrs. Bartlett, married lion. Henry B. Anthony, Senator of the United 
States from Rhode Island; and a third, Piiebe Rhodes, daughter of Colonel William 
Rhodes, married George C. Arnold, Esq., of Providence. 

Henry T. Drowne, Esq., of New York, and Rev. T. Stafford Dp.owne, of Brooklyn, 
N. Y., are his great-grandsons: Sarah Arnold, the estimable wife of the former of these, 
a daughter of George C. Arnold, Esq., before referred to, is his great-granddaughter. 



1 GO 


APPENDIX. 


of this sketch ; and Malachi, who was born on the twentieth of July, 
1748, and died on the twelfth of February, 1832. 

Sylvester, the second son of James Rhodes, was born at Warwick, 
Rhode Island, on the twenty-first of November, 1745 ; married Mary, 
daughter of Samiiel and Elizabeth {Scranton) Aborn —the youngest 
sister of Captain Daniel Aborn of the Privateer Chance , and was 
occupied, generally, as a ship-master. 

He entered the public service at an early period of the war of the 
Revolution ; and he continued to serve liis country, sometimes at sea, 
at others ashore, until his death, in 1782. 

He was with Commodore Wiiipple on his first cruise; and, as Prize- 
master, he carried into Boston the first prize captured by that officer: 
in the military operations in Rhode Island, he also served with honor 
and usefulness. 

He was subsequently one of the eight Prize-masters on board the 
Privateer General Washington , which sailed in May, 1780; and he 
was at the head of the list of Prize-masters on board the Privateer 
Belisarius , when she sailed from Boston and was captured and carried 
to New York, in 1781. 

In 1782, he was Sailing-master on board the Privateer Chance, of 
which his brother-in-law, Daniel Aborn, was the commander; and, 
with the crew' of that vessel, he was again carried to New York, and 
confined on board the Jersey, as has been related in the text of this 
volume. 

When the crew of the Chance was exchanged, it is supposed that 
Sailing-master Rhodes was among those invalids on Blackwell’s Island 
who were left in captivity, 1 and his brother-in-law, Captain Aborn, 
subsequently renewed his exertions to obtain his release, as he had 
done that of his shipmates. 

As Rhodes was an officer in the army, as well as on the Privateer, 
the enemy refused to release him as they had released his associates— 
man for man ; 2 and not until his father had secured the interposition 

1 Vide page 117, ante. 

2 Miss Aborn, his granddaughter, thus writes concerning this difficulty in effecting his 
exchange:— 

“The English refused to exchange him for a private; and the Americans refused to ex¬ 
change an officer for him, because lie was taken on a privateer , saying they wanted all 
"the officers to exchange for theirs belonging to the regular army.” Letter, dated Provi¬ 
dence, April 3, 1SG5. 


APPENDIX. 


1(31 

ot‘a family in Newport whose connections in New York were friendly 
to the Government, was any progress made in effecting liis discharge, 
notwithstanding the very feeble state of his health. 

At length, through the kind offices referred to, his parole was 
secured, and Captain Aborn proceeded to New York to convey him to 
his family; hut so far had disease performed its work, lie never saw, 
in life, the home and family which were so dear to him. He died on 
board the cartel, while on her passage through the Sound, on the third 
of November, 1782 ; and his body having been taken ashore at New 
Haven, it was interred at that place. 

His widow and five children survived, the former of whom, Mary 
(Aborn) Rhodes, was afterwards celebrated in the annals of Rhode 
Island, as the last original creditor of the State, for an unpaid balance 
of her Revolutionary debt—a liability, notwithstanding its character, 
which she has strangely repudiated , although it was duly certified, on 
the eighteenth of September, 1795, “agreeably to an Act made and 
“ passed by the General Assembly of the State, at their January Ses- 
“ sion, A. D. 1795,” by the General Treasurer of the State.* 

She survived all her children, and died on the twelfth of April, 
1852, aged nearly ninety-eight years. 

The following were the children of Sailing-master Sylvester 
Rhodes and Mary (Aborn), his wife: 1 . Joseph, born on the first of 
June, 1772, died on the eighteenth of September, 1790; 2. Elizabeth, 
born on the twenty-seventh of September, 1775 ; married Thomas 
Aborn, and died on the eighth of February, 1812 3. Sally, born 

on the seventeenth of August, 1777, married John A. Aborn, and 
died on the eighteenth of February, 1800; and, 4. Sylvester, horn 
on the twenty-fourth of July, 1780, married Harriet Knight, and 
died on the eighteenth of February, 1800. 

* Richmond’s Rhode Island Repudiation, ix. 

1 Miss Mary Henrietta Aborn, born January 7, 1S09, who has kindly furnished much 
information on this subject, and greatly interested herself in procuring from others what 
she did not herself possess, is a daughter of this Betsey. 

21 


APPENDIX. 


1<)2 


IV. 

WILLIAM DROWNE. 

A PRISONER ON TIIE JERSEY. 

William Drowne was born in Providence, Rhode Island, on the 
seventeenth of April, 1755. 

He was a descendant of Leonard Drowne, who came early in life 
from England, and settled near Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where he 
pursued the business of shipbuilding until 1002, when, in consequence 
of the Indian wars, he removed to Boston, Massachusetts, lie died oh 
the thirty-first of October, 1729, in his eighty-third year, leaving four 
sons and two daughters, of whom the eldest, Solomon (who was born 
on the twenty-third of January, 1681, and died July the twenty-sixth, 
1744), was the grandfather of the subject of the present sketch. 

11 is father, also named Solomon, was born on the fourth of October, 
1706, settled in Providence in 1730 as a merchant, and for half a cen¬ 
tury bore a prominent part in the affairs of the town. For several 
years before his death, which occurred on the twenty-fifth of June, 
1780, lie served as a member of the Upper House of Assembly of the 
State; and was much esteemed and respected for bis strict probity, 
his sound judgment, and many sterling traits of character. 

William Drowne, after acquiring a good education for his time, 
turned his attention to military affairs. We find him, on the second of 
June, 1775, an officer in the Mendon Regiment, Colonel Read’s, and 
stationed at Roxbury, Massachusetts, in order to cover that point 
during the engagement on Bunker Dill; with which command he 
remained until the close of the year. His next commission, as Lieuten¬ 
ant of the First Rhode Island Regiment, issued on the eighteenth of 
January, 1776, runs as follows:— 


APPENDIX. 


1(3 


o 
>) 


BY THE HONORABLE 

NICHOLAS COOKE, Esq., 

Governor, Captain-General, and Commander in Chief, 
of and over the English Colony of Rhode Island, and 
Providence Plantations, in New England , in America. 

To William Drowne, Gentleman—Greeting. 

I17HEEEAS for the Preservation of the Rights and Liberties of 11 is 
* » Majesty’s loyal and faithful Subjects in this Colony, and the 
other Colonies in America, the GENERAL ASSEMBLY, at the- 
Session held at Providence on the last Wednesday in October, A. J). 
1775, ordered a Regiment, to consist of Five Hundred Men, to be 
raised ; and at the Session held at Providence, on the Second Monday 
in January , A. 1). 1770, augmented said Regiment to Seven Hundred 
and Fifty men, exclusive of an Artillery Company to the same belong¬ 
ing ; and at the same Session passed an Act ordering another Regi¬ 
ment, consisting of Seven hundred and Fifty men, to be raised, and 
embodying the said Two Regiments into One Brigade: And whereas 
you the said William Drowne are appointed Lieutenant of the First 
Company in the said last mentioned Regiment, T do therefore hereby, 
in His Majesty’s Name, GEORGE the Third, by the Grace of GOD, 
King of Great Britain, &c., authorize, empower, and commission, you 
the said William Drowne to have, take, and exercise the Office of 
Lieutenant of the First Company in the said last mentioned Regiment, 
and to command, guide, and conduct the same, or any Part thereof. 
And in case of an Invasion or Assault of a common Enemy, to infest 
or disturb this or any other of liis Majesty’s Colonies in America, you 
are to alarm and gather together the Company under your Command, 
or any Part thereof, as you shall deem sufficient, and therewith, to the 
utmost of your Skill and Ability, you are to Resist, Expel, Kill and 
Destroy them, in order to preserve the Interest of Ilis Majesty, and 
Ilis good Subjects, in these Parts. You are also to follow such Instruc¬ 
tions, Directions, and Orders, as shall from Time to Time be given 
forth, either by the General Assembly or your superior Officers. 


HOPE. 



APPENDIX. 


1G4 

And for your so doing this Commission shall he your sufficient War¬ 
rant. 

Given under my Hand, and the Seal of the Haul Colony, this Eigh¬ 
teenth Day of January, in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven 
Hundred and Seventy-six. 

Niciis. Cooke. 

By Ilis Honor's Command, 

Henry Ward, Sec’y. 

In a letter to his brother, Doctor Solomon Dkowne, 1 written at 
Providence, on the twentieth of January, 1770, he thus alluded to this 
appointment: “I arrived from Camp a few days since. No berth 
“ offering that suited, I came here upon hearing that the General 
“ Assembly were about raising a Brigade, to be Stationed at Newport, 
‘‘and through the influence of Major Thompson, got the first Lieuten- 
“ ancy in the First or Colonel's Company,—the Brigade to consist of 
“ 1500, Colonel Babcock colonel of our Regiment, Christopher Lip- 
“pitt Lieut.-Col., and Adam Comstock Major; Capt. Kit Gluey Major 
“o’ Brigade, Bill Tyler Adjutant, Jno. Rogers promoted to a lieuten- 
44 tint of one of the Trains of Artillery, &c., Ac. 2 We have had fre¬ 
quent Alarms lately by Wallace’s coming up the river, as far as 
“ Warwick Neck. Once he landed a number of Marines, Ac., upon 
“the Island of Prudence: we had about fifty Minute Men thereon, 


1 Solomon Drownf, M. D., was born in Providence, E. I., on the eleventh of March, 1753 ; 
and after graduating at Brown University, and completing his medical studies in the Uni¬ 
versity of Pennsylvania, he entered the Eevolutiona-y Army as surgeon. At the conclu¬ 
sion of the war he practised medicine for a time in his native city; visited the Medical 
Schools and Hospitals in London and Paris in 17S4; was one of the founders of Marietta, 
Ohio, and delivered there a Funeral Eulogy on General Vaknum, and also the first Anniver¬ 
sary Oration in commemoration of the settlement, on the seventh of April, 17S9. After 
residing for several years in Virginia and Pennsylvania, he returned to Bliode Island in 
1 SOI, and settled in Foster, where he passed the remainder of his days in professional, agri¬ 
cultural, and literary pursuits. In 1811, he was appointed Professor of Materia Medica and 
Botany in Brown University; and in 1S19 served as a delegate to the Convention which 
formed the National Pharmacopoeia. During his latter years, he published a work on agri¬ 
culture, and many scientific and literary papers, and delivered several Addresses and Ora¬ 
tion-, all of which bear the marks of a highly cultivated taste, ripe scholarship, and exten¬ 
sive research. lie died on the fifth of February, 1S31, in Lis eighty-first year. 

2 Arnold's History of Ehode Island, ii. 367. 


APPENDIX. 


165 


“ who after firing three rounds were obliged to retreat (in boats), the 
“ number of the enemy being much superior. We had one man killed, 
“ and several wounded; and ’tis said, several of theirs were seen to 
“ tall, but as they took the ground, it’s a matter of uncertainty, although 
“ very probable. They then set fire to the Buildings (7 or 8 in nuin- 
“ her), which soon consumed the same; as they did some others on 
“ some other Islands. Some of the Companies from here, have been 
“ almost constantly down to Warwick Neck, for several weeks past; 
“ especially the Artillery Company, who carried several pieces of Can- 
“ non, and gave the fieet, consisting of 10 or 12 Sail, a small cannon- 
“ ading. There is now a Nine pounder upon a field carriage down on 
“ the said Neck, there to be kept, which was carried from here on 
“Sunday last. So much for Master Wallace.” * * * 

Another commission, by order of the Council of War of the State, 
bearing date the twenty-first day of December of the same year, and 
with the signatures of the same Governor and Secretary of State as 
the preceding, constituted Mr. Drowne Adjutant of the First Regi¬ 
ment of Militia in the County of Providence and State of Rhode Island, 
Colonel Bowen’s ; not, however, “ in order to preserve the Interest of 
“ Ilis Majesty’s Colonies and Ilis good Subjects,” but “ the Interest of 
“the good People in these Parts,” against the “Invasion or Assault” 
of the forces of George III. In 1777, he was Adjutant in General 
Spencer’s Regiment, having its head-quarters at Pawtuxet; and 
in 1778, served as Quartermaster-general, with the rank of Cap¬ 
tain. 

Mr. Drowne possessed an adventurous and courageous spirit, and 
had for some time been earnestly desirous of entering the naval ser¬ 
vice. In the fall of 1776, he was invited to serve as an officer on 
board the Frigate Providence , commanded by Abraham Whipple. He 
subsequently arranged to go on the Warren, but the occupation of 
Newport by the enemy’s fleet prevented the frigate from sailing 
during the whole of the year 1777. Esek Hopkins, Commander-in- 
chief of the American Navy, while stationed at Providence, described 
a plan for burning the British vessels by means of fire-ships; and 
although large bounties were offered by Congress, the project proved 
unsuccessful. Prevented from sailing from Rhode Island, Mr. Drowne, 


166 


APPENDIX. 


in April, 1778, went to Boston, and embarked in a private sloop-of- 
war; and for the next three years was actively employed in various 
privateering expeditions. 

Early in July, 1779, he was one of the officers of the Brigantine 
Saratoga , Captain James Munko, commander; and when about to sail 
from New London, was temporarily detained by an embargo laid on 
all vessels in the port by the commanding officer, Captain Salton- 
stall, in order to repel the expected attack of the British fleet. 
During this cruise, they engaged some heavily armed vessels of war, 
fought with much bravery, and took several prizes. In August, how¬ 
ever, they were captured and carried prisoners into the port of New 
York. 

lie next sailed, on the eighteenth of May, 1780, in the General 
Washington, owned by Mr. John Brown, of Providence, and fitted out 
from that port. Among the officers were James Munro, commander, 
Sylvester Eiiodes, Pardon Bowen, and Thomas Dring, the latter 
the author of the present work. In a Journal kept by Mr. Drowne 
on board this vessel, he thus humorously alluded to his late capture: 
“The cruise is for two months and a half, though should New York 
“fetch us up again, the time may be protracted; but it is not in the 
“ bargain to pay that potent city a visit this bout. It may easily be 
“ imagined what a sensible mortification it must be to dispense with the 
“ delicious sweets of a Prison-ship. But though the Washington is 
“deemed a prime sailor, and is well armed, I will not be too sanguine 
“ in the prospect of escaping, as ‘ the race is not always to the swift 
“ ‘nor the battle to the strong,’ and as a disappointment in that case 
“ would be doubly aggravating. But, as I said before, ’tis not in the 
“ Articles to go there this time, especially as ’tis said the prisoners are 
“ very much crowded there already, and it would be a piece of unfeel- 
“ ing inhumanity to be adding to their unavoidable inconvenience by 
“ our presence. Nor could we, in such a case, by any means expect 
“ that Madam Fortune would deign to smile so propitious as she did 
“ before, in the promotion of an exchange so much sooner than our 
“ most sanguine expectations flattered us with; as ’tis said to be with 
“ no small difficulty that a parole can be obtained, much more an 
“exchange.” This expedition resulted in the capture of several ves- 


t 


APPENDIX. 


167 


sels, among which were the Robust, Lord Sandwich , Barrington , and 
the Spitfire, a British privateer. 

On the twenty-eighth of April, 1781, Mr. Drowne left Providence 
for Boston, and during the next few days was busily occupied in 
arranging the preliminary matters for a cruise in the Belisarius, 
obtaining a pass from his Excellency Governor John Hancock for the 
ship’s company, storing the provisions, water, etc. This admirable 
vessel, “of about Five Hundred Tons Burthen, mounting Twenty 
“ Nine-Pounders, James Muniio, Commander,” with a crew of over a 
hundred and sixty, sailed on the sixth of May, “ on a Five Months 
“Cruize against the enemies of the United States of America,” as 
expressed in the original printed “Articles of Agreement.” Mr. 
Drowne’s Journal of this expedition abounds in interesting incidents 
and adventures, which, however, were brought to an abrupt close on 
the twenty-sixth of July. Captured, and carried into the port of 
New York, he, with the other officers, was transferred to the Jersey 
Prison-ship, where close confinement and unhealthy food soon began 
to make serious inroads upon his previously robust constitution. 
Through the influence of some English friends, he was permitted to 
be absent a short time in November, and visited Newport; but did 
not succeed in regaining his former health. A continuance of the 
same imprisonment in the excessively crowded and pestilential 
between-decks of the Jersey, developed a malady from which he never 
recovered; although with the constant care of his brother, Doctor 
Drowne, after his release in 1783, his life was prolonged to the ninth 
of August, 1780, when he died. 

The Providence Gazette and Country Journal, Yol. XXIII., No. 
1180, Saturday, August 12th, contains the following obituary notice: 

“ Last Wednesday Morning Mr. William Drowne, of this Town, 
“ Merchant, departed this Life, in the 32d Year of his Age, after a 
“ long consumption, originally occasioned by his Sufferings on board a 
“ British Prison Ship, a little before Peace took Place, of which he 
“hath long languished with exemplary Patience and Fortitude. His 
“ virtuous Character, benevolent Disposition, Integrity of Conduct, 
“ and agreeable Manners, endeared him to his Friends and Acquain- 
“ tance, and render his Death a real Loss, not only to his particular 


f 


1G8 


APPENDIX. 


“ Friends, but also to the Town and State of which he was a worthy 
“ Member. 


“ 4 As Smoke, that rises from the kindly Fires, 

44 4 Is seen this Moment, and the next expires; 

“ 4 As empty Clouds by rising Winds are tost, 

44 4 Their fleeting Forms scarce sooner found than lost, 

4 4 4 So vanishes our State; so pass our Days; 

4 4 4 So Life but opens now, and now decays; 

4 4 4 The Cradle and the Tomb, alas! so nigh, 

4 4 4 To live is scarce distinguished from to die !’ ” 

T. S. D. 


Brooklyn, N. Y., April 14, 1865. 


CORRESPONDENCE. 

[From the Drowne Papers.] 

[The following, from the originals in the possession of the family, will 
be found very interesting, as documents which throw light on the his¬ 
tory of the period in which they were written, particularly on that 
portion which relates to the treatment of those who were confined 
on the Jersey Prison-ship.] 

1. DE. SOLOMON DROWNE TO IIIS BROTHER, WILLIAM DROWNE, A PRIS¬ 
ONER ON THE JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 

Newport , Septr. 15th, 1781. 

Dear Billy : 

Since the venerable Ansonean Jersey did not sail with the late 
Chesapeak-bound Fleet; and as there is no probability she will put to 
Sea soon, I write for you to strive by all means to gain leave of 
absence for a while. There need be no apprehensions about the mat¬ 
ter on the part of your Commander;—for when, under the same cir¬ 
cumstances, you left there before, you did not fail to return.—If Per¬ 
suasion is necessary to induce you to revisit us, I would present to 
your imagination the once favorite spot which gave you birth ;— 
family endearments, not beneath the attention of a generous mind ; 



APPENDIX. 


1 (j'9‘ 

and triends who much regret your so long absence. Can you to these 
prefer an idle breath of fame, mere rotten fume, sucked from the 
never-to-be-forgotten Jersey , because she semi-circled the Globe? 
There is, moreover, a good Opportunity for you to come now, as a 
Sloop belonging to Providence, bound to the very Port where you are, 
and which wafts you this letter, will return thither soon. 

The Family are well, and expect you with impatience. Little Sophia 
wants to see her uncle Billy. I would solicit you ’till I am out of 
breath with solicitations, if [they] will avail anything, that you wou’d 
not disappoint them. 

This day five years ago I quitted N. York. 

Five years precisely have the British been possessed of it. 

I must refer you to Capt? Bowen for news, for" and domest c . k , as 
I am in haste to return to Providence. 

I am, my dear Brother, with fervent wishes for your health and 
serenity in every condition of life, and shift of Fortune, 

Yours affectionately, 

Solomon Drowne. 

Mr. William Drowne, 

On board the Jersey , 

N. York Harbour. 


2. WILLIAM DROWNE TO MRS. (JAMES) SELIIRIG, OF NEW YORK. 
Dear M[adam] 

I some time since took the freedom tho’ not free to write to Mrs. 
Selheig from hence on the Subject of my exchange, and not having tho 
Satisfaction to receive for a considerable time any reply either written 
or verbal, and being positively assured of the letter being duly deliv¬ 
ered her, I must candidly confess some hard thoughts of Mrs. S.'s 
Benevolence began reluctantly to make their encroachments upon me, 
not that I am by any means thought you Madam bound to oblige me, 
more than another acquaintance, but as I was most willing to bo 
indebted to you for that invaluable obligation. However from 
some Intelligence of a later date I have since asked pardon of my 
heart for the injurious taxation and shall ever entertain the most 
22 


170 


APPENDIX. 


grateful sense of Her politeness and good will towards me in attempt¬ 
ing to get me on shore. Such a circumstance would have given me 
sensible pleasure as I should have been extremely happy in seeing Mrs. 
Selhrig, Mrs. Campbell, &c. But having been some time from home 
my Garb is rather too much indisposed to wish any further attempts 
of the kind. You are pleased to send me Word that Capt? S. Hazard 
should say that in case I had made myself known to him when he 
was on hoard, he would obtained my .exchange with Capt. Munro, &c. 
I was on the Quarter Deck when he was here but as he did not 
observe me, our acquaintance being slight, and seeing so inanv.niake 
applications to him, I did not think it justifiable to attempt availing 
myself of his humanity. I should have been very happy to owe the 
obligation to Capt') Hazard, as to him We were impelled to strike 
and he is a Gentleman of Worth and Honor. 

Having a letter to Mr. George Deblois Mercht. I have written him 
and received many Civilities in consequence, with the Assurance of 
being exchanged in the next flag. Capt. Wm. Deblois, who once had 
the misfortune to be taken by a ship in which I was, has with several 
other Gentlemen, Jos. Aplin, Esq!: and a Mr. Jay kindly interested 
themselves in my behalf, so that I am not without hopes of standing 
some sort of a Chance in one of the flags now here. Should that 
happy event be the Case any Commands Mrs. S. may have to ID Island 
1 shall be happy to execute, and in the mean time,— 

With the warmest Sentiments of grateful Esteem, 

Madam, your much obliged, 

most humble Servant, 
William Drowne. 

My best Compliments to Mrs. Campbell, and Miss Bardin, tho’ I 
don’t know but she has taken a Fancy to another name.—Perhaps they 
may not have heard of the marriage of Fanny Wanton to Mr. Saml. 
Snow of Providence. 

I need not say that I should be very happy to receive a line from 
you. I have been very unwell, but by following the Doct': s Prescrip¬ 
tion and the blessing of a good Constitution have got some better. 

Prison Stop, Scptr. 25th, [1781.] 


Mrs. Sei.iirig. 


APPENDIX. 


171 


3. WILLIAM DltOWNK TO MBS. JOHNSTON, OF NEW YORK. 

Jersey Prison Ship , Septr. 25th, ’81. 

Madam: 

Your letter to Capt Joshua Sawyer of the 23d Inst, came on hoard 
this moment, which I being requested to answer, take the freedom to 
do, and with sensible regret, as it announces the dissolution of that 
good man. It was an event very unexpected. ’Tis true He had been 
for some days very Ill, but a turn in his favor cancel’d all further ap¬ 
prehension of his being dangerous, and but Yesterday he was able 
without Assistance to go upon deck; said he felt much better, and 
without any further Complaints, at the usual time turn’d into his Ham¬ 
mock, and as was suppos’d went to sleep. Judge our Surprise and 
Astonishment this morning at being informed of his being found a 
lifeless Corse. 

Could any thing nourishing or comfortable have been procur’d for 
him during his Illness, ’tis possible He might now have been a well 
man. Hut Heaven thought proper to take him to itself, and we must 
not repine. 

A Coffin would have been procured in case it could be done season¬ 
ably, but his situation render’d a speedy Interment unavoidable. 
Agreeably to which 10 or a dozen Gentlemen of his acquaintance pre¬ 
sented a petition to the Commanding Officer on board, requesting the 
favor that they might be permitted under the Inspection of a file of 
Soldiers to pay the last sad duties to a Gentleman of merit: which he 
humanely granted, and in the Afternoon his remains were taken on 
Shore and committed to their native dust in as decent a manner as our 
situation would admit. Myself in room of a better officiated in the 
sacred office of Chaplain and read prayers over the Corpse previous to 
its final close in its gloomy mansion. 

I have given You these particulars, Madam, as I was sensible it must 
give you great satisfaction to hear he had some friends on board. 

Your benevolent and good intentions to him shall (if Heaven per¬ 
mits my return) be safely delivered to his afflicted Wife, to give her the 
sensible Consolation that her late much esteem’d and affectionate Hus¬ 
band was not destitute of a Friend, who wish’d to do him all the good 
offices in her power, had not the hand of fate prevented. 


APPENDIX. 


If you wish to know any tiling relative to myself,—if you will give 
Yourself the trouble to call on Mrs. (James) Seliirig, she will inform 
You ; or Jos. Aplix, Esq 1 ?. 

You will please to excuse the Liberty I have taken being an entire 
stranger. I have no Views in it but those of giving, as I said before 
satisfaction to one who took a friendly part towards a Gentleman 
deceas’d, whom I very much esteem’d. 

Your goodness will not look with a critical eye over the numerous 
Imperfections of this Epistle. 

I am, Madam, with every sentiment of Respect, 

Your most Obed 1 . Send , 

William Drowne. 

Mrs. Johnston [of Xew York]. 

P. S.—There is one Joseph Jeffers desires me to let me know that 
he has paid the greatest Attention to Capt’.' Sawyer, during his Illness, 
in tending upon, and cooking for him, &c. which I believe he has 
faithfully performed, and if you could do any thing for him as to his 
exchange—it wou’d be a deserving reward. lie belongs to If'! Island. 


4. DR. SOLOMON DROWNE TO MISS SALLY DROWNE. 

Providence , Octr. 17th 1781. 

Dear Sally, 

We have not forgot you;—but if we think strongly on other objects 
the memory of you returns, more grateful than the airs which ‘fan the 
‘ Summer,’ or all the golden products of yf Autumn. 

The Cartel is still detained, for what reason is not fully known. 
Perhaps they meditate an attack upon some unguarded, unsuspecting 
quarter, and already in idea glut their eyes, with the smoke of burning 
Towns and Villages, and are soothed by the sounds of deep distress.— 
Forbid it, Guardian of America!—and rather let the reason be their 
fear that we should know the state of their shattered Navy, and de¬ 
clining affairs.—However, Rill is yet a Prisoner, and still must feel, if 
not for himself, yet what a mind like his will ever feel for others. In 
a letter I received from him about three weeks since, be mentioned, 


APPENDIX. 173 

that having a letter to Mr. George Deblois, lie sent it, accompanied 
with one he wrote requesting his influence towards effecting his return 
the next Flag.—that Mr. Deblois being indisposed, his cousin, Capf? 
Wm. Deblois, taken by Monro last year, came on board to see him, 
with a present from Mr. Deblois of some Tea, Sugar, Wine, Rum, &c. 
and the offer of any other Civilities that lay in the power of either:— 
This was Beneficence and true Urbanity:—that he was not destitute 
of Cash, that best friend in Adversity, except some other best friends 
—that as long as he had Health, he should—lie had like to have said— 
be happy. In a word, he bears up with his wonted fortitude, and 
good spirits, as we say,—nor discovers the least repining at his fate. 
But you and I who sleep on beds of down, and inhale the untainted, 
cherishing air, surrounded by most endeared connexions, know that 
his cannot be the most delectable of Situations; therefore, with impa¬ 
tience we will look for his happy return to the Circle of his Friends. 

Your affectionate Brother, 
Solomon Drowne. 


5 . DOCTOR SOLOMON DROWNE TO MRS. MARCT DROWNE. 

Newport , November 14th, 1781. 

Respected Mother, 

I found Billy much better than T expected, the account we received 
of his situation having been considerably exaggerated : However, we 
ought to be thankful that we were not deceived by a too favourable 
account, and so left him to the care of Strangers, when he might most 
need the soothing aid of closest relatives. He is very weak yet, and 
as a second relapse might endanger his reduced, tottering system, 
think it-advisable not to set off for home with him till the wind is 
more favourable. He is impatient for the moment of its shifting, as lie 
is anxious to see you all. 

The boat is just going. 

Adieu. 

Your affectionate 

Solomon Drowne. 

Mrs. Marcy Drowne. 

Providence, R. I. 






174 


APPENDIX. 


Y. 

CAPTAIN ROSWELL PALMER. 

A PRISONER ON THE JERSEY\* 

New York, April 15th, 1865. 

Henry T. Drowne, Esq. 

My Dear Sir: 

Since I wrote you in February last, having found the pencilled 
memoranda of my Father’s experience while a prisoner on board the 
u Old Jersey' 1 '' during the Revolution, I hasten to enclose you a copy, in 
fulfilment of my promise. These reminiscences were taken down 
from his own lips, while on his last visit to this city, in 1840; and as 
they were minuted by my own hand, I can bear witness to the accu¬ 
racy of the record. Those who knew the relator personally will 
need no assurance of the truthfulness of the incidents. 

I add the following biographical sketch, in compliance with your 
earnest request:— 

The late Captain Roswell Palmer was born in Stonington, Connec¬ 
ticut, August, 1704; and as he was about seventeen at the time of his 
capture by the English, the term of his imprisonment must have com¬ 
menced in 1781. Having several relatives in the army, he sought to 
join his fortunes with theirs and his country’s; but was not accepted, 
on account of his immature years. His uncle, however, received him 
as an assistant in the Commissary Department; and when the brig 
Pilgrim , of Stonington, was commissioned to make war on the public 
enemy, the rejected volunteer was warmly welcomed on board by his 
kinsman, Captain Humphrey Crary. 

The first night after putting to sea, the Pilgrim, encountered a 

* I am indebted for this interesting sketch of one of the last survivors of the prisoners 
who were confined on the “ Old Jersey ,” to his son, William Pitt Palmer, Esq., of New 
York, whose temporary resumption of the pen, for this purpose, will be heartily welcomed 
by many a friend of by-gone years.—II. I». 1). 


APPENDIX. 


175 


British fleet just entering the Vineyard Sound. A chase and running 
fight of several hours ensued, during which my father was stationed 
aloft, on account of his nautical expertness and alacrity, to keep the 
top-sails in the best trim, and a bright look-out for any chance pros¬ 
pect of escape. At length a random shot carried away the mast on 
which the young sailor was perched, and the crippled vessel was 
shortly after compelled to surrender. The prize was taken into 
Holmes’ Hole, and the crew subsequently brought to New York. 
They were all put in irons, and in that condition passed through Hell 
Gate, soon after the foundering of the British frigate Huzzar in that 
perilous strait, and ultimately transferred to the Old Jersey. This 
was originally an English ship-of-the-line, and being old and unwieldy, 
had been converted into a Prison-ship for rebellious Yankees. She 
never left her anchorage at the Wallabout—whether from decrepitude 
or the intolerable burden of woes and wrongs accumulated in her 
wretched hulk—but sunk slowly down at last into the subjacent ooze, 
as if to hide her shame from human sight; and more than forty years 
after, my father pointed out to me at low tide huge remnants of her 
unburied skeleton. 

On board of this dreadful Bastile were crowded, year after year, 
some fourteen hundred prisoners, mostly Americans. The discipline 
was very strict, while the smallest possible attention was paid by their 
warders to the sufferings of the captives. Cleanliness was simply an 
impossibility where the quarters were so narrow, the occupants so 
numerous, and little opportunity afforded for washing the person, or 
the tatters that sought to hide its nakedness. Fortunate was the 
wretch who possessed a “clean linen rag,” for this, placed in his 
bosom, seemed to attract to it crowds of his crawling tormentors, 
whose squatter-sovereignty could be disposed of by wholesale at his 
pleasure. 

The food of the prisoners consisted mainly of condemned sea- 
biscuit and navy beef, which had become worthless from long 
voyaging in many climes years before. These biscuits were so 
worm-eaten that a slight pressure of the hand reduced them to dust, 
which rose in little clouds of insubstantial aliment, as it in mockery of 
the half-famished expectants. For variety, a ration called “ Burgoo” 
was prepared several times a week, consisting of mouldy oatmeal and 


APPENDIX. 


176 

water, boiled in two great “Coppers,” and served out in tubs, like 
swill to swine. 

By degrees, they grew callous to each other's miseries, and alert to 
seize any advantage over their fellow-sufferers. Many played cards 
day and night, utterly regardless of the dying or the dead around 
them. The deaths averaged “about two a day.” The remains were 
huddled into blankets, and so slightly interred on the neighboring 
slope, that scores of them, bared by the rains, were always visible to 
their less fortunate comrades left to pine in hopeless captivity. The 
relics of these martyrs to British cruelty have been piously collected 
and preserved by the citizens of Brooklyn, to be honored with appro¬ 
priate sepulture. 

After having been imprisoned about a year and a half, my father, 
one night, during a paroxysm of fever, rushed on deck, and jumped 
overboard. The shock restored him to consciousness; he was soon 
rescued, and the next morning taken by the Surgeon-General’s orders 
to his quarters in Cherry street, near Pearl, where he remained till 
the close of the war. The kind Doctor had taken a fancy to his 
handsome Yankee patient, whom he treated with fatherly kindness, 
giving him books to read, having him present at his operations and 
dissections, and finally urging him to seek his fortune in Europe, 
where he should receive a good surgical education, free of charge. 
The temptation was very great, but the remembrance of a nearer 
home and dearer friends, unseen for years, was greater, and to them 
the long-lost returned at last, as one from the dead. 

Finding himself now at liberty to resume the course he had traced 
out for himself in early life, he engaged in the merchant service, and, 
passing from grade to grade, obtained the command of a ship while 
yet a young man. In this situation he continued for several years, till 
the claims of a growing family obliged him to relinquish his maritime 
enterprises. Accordingly, he removed to Stockbridge, Massachusetts, 
where he engaged in agricultural pursuits, bringing to that peaceful and 
primitive occupation the same clear insight and resolute perseverance 
which had characterized his nautical career. Ilis farm was a model 
of neatness, order, and thrift, with its scores of Devonshire kine and 
hundreds of Merino sheep; and the late Lord Mokpeth, after spending 
a day at Elm Cottage, declared it to have been one of the pleasantest 


APPENDIX. 


1 


< ( 


of his life, lie could hardly realize that his venerable entertainer had 
ploughed the wild seas over forty years, before lie ever dreamed of 
ploughing his own broad acres, much less of reaching the front rank <>f 
Berkshire farmers. Like most of his countrymen, he had the true 
^ sinkee tact of turning his hand to any thing worthy of earnest effort, 
and the will to do thoroughly whatever he undertook. All hjs leisure 
hours were devoted to reading, and few men of so active and laborious 
a life ever acquired a larger fund of general information. Modest and 
unassuming in his manners; frank, courteous, hospitable; above all 
fear but that of doing wrong; with a heart tender as woman’s to 
every manifestation of suffering—he was loved and honored by all, as 
a noble specimen of that heroic race, to whose courage, fortitude, and 
indexible resolution we are indebted for our heritage of liberty. 

The cruel treatment experienced as a prisoner had implanted in his 
bosom an irrepressible abhorrence of tyranny in every form. Not 
long after his release from captivity, while returning from an excur¬ 
sion to Fisher’s Island, his attention was attracted to a suspicious 
vessel, anchored at an unusual place in the eastern bay of Stonington. 
He ran down to her, and, on going on board, found six negroes in 
charge of a single guardian, whose villanous comrades had gone ashore 
for supplies. On questioning the poor fellows, he learned that they 
had been kidnapped near Newport, and were bound for a Southern 
market. He told them they should be free, if they would stand by 
him like men. This they did with a will; the white ruffian was seized, 
bound, and thrust under hatches; and his dusky wards, leaping into 
the boat alongside, were soon beyond the reach of the baffled kidnap¬ 
pers. It would not be strange if this paternal example of practical 
abolition in the last century, has not been lost on his children in these 
later and darker years of African oppression. Accustomed to com¬ 
mand almost from his boyhood, and never exacting any thing unjust 
or unreasonable, my father expected and received unquestioning 
obedience in his household of ten children—three sous and seven 
daughters. Such was our training, both by precept and example, 
that not one of us but would have encountered the frowns of a whole 
community sooner than his single displeasure. We could not bear 
the thought that he should ever have cause to be ashamed of us. We 
early learned that to preserve his favor and that of our dear mother, 


ITS 


APPENDIX. 


we must be truthful, honorable in word and deed, respectful of the 
rights and feelings of others, and unaffectedly averse to the least 
dalliance with impiety or irreverence. 

In stature, my father was a little over six feet, erect, robust, and of 
rare physical power and endurance. Ilis hands and feet were remark¬ 
ably small; his features regular; his forehead high and fair ; his hair 
very black, and one tangle of luxuriant curls; his eyes were of a clear 
hazel; his teeth all double , and all sound and strong at his decease, in 
1844, in his seventy-ninth year. On his plain monument, in the beau¬ 
tiful cemetery at Stockbridge, where he sleeps by the beloved partner 
of his earthly pilgrimage, his children have inscribed the following 
memorial of their affection :— 

“ Father, thy loss hath taught us this dear lore, 

“ That not to breathe is not to be no more; 

“ Ah no ; to one whose days, like thine, were passed 
“ In self-denying kindness to the last, 

“ Remains, unfading with the final breath, 

“ A green and sweet vitality in death!” 

Tn the hope that this imperfect sketch of one of the latest survivors 
of the Jersey Prison-ship, may add somewhat of interest to thq volume 
which is to commemorate the long and bitter sufferings of its heroic 
victims, I remain, 

My dear Sir, 

Most truly yours, 

W. P. Palmer. 


[inclosures.] 

1. MEMORANDA, CONCERNING IIIS OWN EXPERIENCE ON BOARD OF THE 
JERSEY PRISON-SHIP, BY ROSWELL PALMER, ESQ., OF STOCKBRIDGE, 
MASSACHUSETTS. 

1 was taken prisoner on board the Privateer Pilgrim , of Stonington, 
a sixteen-gun brig, Humphrey Crary, Captain, by two British vessels 
called the Behsunus and Quebec , and carried into Holmes’Hole, where 


APPENDIX. 


1 70 


we lay seven weeks. We were treated well there. The BeUsarius. built 
in Salem, had been captured by the English. She was a fast sailer, 
and the British officers used to bet on her and the Amphitrite (English 
built), which used to go out for a race about fifteen miles by Gay 
Head. The BeUsarius always beat her competitor, and the Ameri¬ 
cans of course exulted in the triumph of the Yankee vessel. 

During our imprisonment at the Wallabout. there was a battle off 
Sandy Hook between a British and French frigate. The latter was 
taken, after an action in which over one hundred were killed and 
wounded, and the balance of her crew (some four or five hundred) 
were transferred as prisoners to the orlop deck of the Old Jersey. 
They were much better treated than we Americans on the deck above 
them. All. however, suffered very much for the want of water, 
crowding round two half hogsheads when brought on board, and often 
fighting for the first drink. On one of these occasions, a Virginian 
near me was elbowed by a Spaniard, and thrust him back. The Span¬ 
iard drew a sheath-knife, when the Virginian knocked him headlong, 
backwards, down two hatches, which had just been opened for heav¬ 
ing up a hogshead of stale water from the hold, for the prisoners' drink. 
This water had probably been there for years, and was as ropy as 
molasses! 

There was a deal of trouble between the American and the French 
and Spanish prisoners. The latter slept in hammocks, ice on the 
floor of the deck next above them. One night, our boys went down, 
still, and, at a given signal, cut the hammock lashings of the French 
and Spanish prisoners at the head, and let them all down by the run 
on the deck floor. In the midst of the row that followed this deed of 
darkness, the Americans stole back to their quarters, and were all fast 
asleep when the English guard came down. 

No Tights were permitted after ten o'clock. V e used, however, to 
hide our candles occasionally under our hats, when the order came to 
♦* Douse the glim /’’ One night the officer of the guard discovered our 
disobedience, and came storming down the broad hatchway with a file 
of men. Our lights were all extinguished in a moment, and we on the 
alert for our tyrants, whom we seized with a will, and hustled to and 
fro in the darkness, till their cries aroused the whole ship ! 


iso 


APPENDIX. 


2. MEMORANDA. CONCERNING 1IIS UNCLE’S IMPRISONMENT ON HOARD OF 

T1IE SCORPION AND JERSEY PRISON-SHIPS, BY ROSWELL PALMER, ESQ. 

Lieutenant Eliakim Palmer, Thomas Hitchcock, and John Skarles 
were Stonington prisoners on board the Scorpion , a British seventy- 
tour, anchored off the Battery, New York. 

Having concerted a plan to escape before being transferred to the 
Old Jersey, Hitchcock went into the chains, and dropped Ids hat 
into the water. On his return, he begged for a boat to recover it, and 
being earnestly seconded by Lieutenant Palmer, the officer of the 
deck finally consented, ordering a guard to accompany the “ Damned 
rebels.” They were a long time in getting the boat off, the hat mean¬ 
while floating away from the ship. They rowed very awkwardly, of 
course, got jeered at uproariously for “Yankee land-lubbers,” and 
were presently ordered to return. Being then nearly out of musket- 
range, Lieutenant Palmer suddenly seized and disarmed the astonished 
guard, while his comrades were not slow in manifesting their latent 
adroitness in the use of the oar to their no less astonished deriders. 
In a moment the Bay was alive with excitement; many shots, big and 
little, were fired at the audacious fugitives; from all the fleet, boats 
put off in hot pursuit; but the Stonington boys reached the Jersey 
shore in safety, and escaped with their prisoners to Washington’s 
Head-Quarters, where their tact and bravery received the personal 
commendation of the great Chief. 

Lieutenant Eliakim Palmer,* a prisoner on board the Old Jersey , 
escaped a second time, by cutting away three iron bars let into a 
square aperture in the side of the ship on the orlop deck, formerly a 
part of her hold, lie swam ashore with his shirt and trousers tied to 
his head. Having lost the latter, he was obliged to make Ins way 
down Long Island, for nearly its whole length, in his shirt only. He 
hid in ditches during the day, subsisting on berries and the bounty of 
cows, milked directly into his month! He crawled by the sentries 
stationed at the narrow parts of the Island, and at length, after many 
days, reached Oyster Pond Point, whence he was taken by friends to 
his home in Stonington. 


* Eliakim 1’almek was my father's uncle.—W. P. P. 


APPENDIX. 


181 


VI. 

THE DESTRUCTIVE OPERATION OF FOUL AIR. TAINTED PRO¬ 
VISIONS, BAD WATER, AND PERSONAL FILTHINESS, UPON 
HUMAN CONSTITUTIONS; 

Exemplified in the unparalleled Cruelty of the British to the American Captives at 
New York during the Revolutionary Bor, on Board their Prison and 
Hospital Ships. By Captain Alexander Coffin, Jan., one 
of the surviving Sufferers : In a Communication to 
Dr. Mitciiill, dated September 4, 1807. 

( SHALL furnish you with an account of the treatment that I, with 
other of my fellow-citizens, received on board the Jersey and John 
Prison-ships, those monuments of British barbarity and infamy. I 
shall give you nothing but a plain, simple statement of facts that can¬ 
not be controverted. And I begin my narrative from the time of my 
leaving the South Carolina frigate. 

In June, 17S2, I left the above-mentioned frigate in the Havana, on 
board of which ship I had long served as a midshipman, and made 
several trading voyages. 1 sailed, early in September, from Baltimore 
for the Havana, in a fleet of about forty sail, most of which were cap¬ 
tured, and we among the rest, by the British frigate Ceres, Captain 
Hawkins, a man in every sense of the word a perfect brute. 

Although our commander, Captain Hughes, was a very gentlemanly 
man, he was treated in the most shameful and abusive manner by said 
Hawkins, and ordered below to mess with the petty officers. Our 
officers were put in the cable-tier with the crew, and a guard placed at 
the hatchway to prevent more than two going on deck at a time, and 
that only for the necessary calls of nature. The provisions served out 
to us were of the very worst kind, and very short allowance even of 
that. They frequently gave us pea-soup, that is, pea-water, for the 
pease and the soup, all but about a gallon or two, were taken out for 
the ship's company, and the coppers tilled up with water, and just 
warmed and stirred together, and brought down to us in a strap-tub. 


APPENDIX. 


182 


And, Sir, 1 might have defied any person on earth, possessing the most 
acute olfactory powers, and the most refined taste, to decide, either by 
one or the other, or both of those senses, whether it was pease and 
water, slush and water, or swill. 

After living and being treated in this way, subject to every insult 
and abuse, for ten or twelve days, we fell in with the Champion British 
twenty-gun ship, which was bound to New York to refit, and were 
all sent on board of her. The Captain was a true seaman and a gentle¬ 
man ; and our treatment was so different from what we had experi¬ 
enced on board the Ceres , that it was like being removed from Purga¬ 
tory to Paradise. Ilis name, I think, was Edwards. 

We arrived about the beginning of October at New York, and were 
immediately sent on board the Prison-ship in a small schooner called, 
ironically enough, the Relief, commanded by one Gardner, an Irish¬ 
man. 

This schooner Relief plied between the Prison-ship and New York, 
and carried the water and provisions from the city to the ship. In 
fact, the said schooner might emphatically he termed the Relief for 
the execrable water and provisions she carried relieved many of my 
brave but unfortunate countrymen, by death , from the misery and 
savage treatment they daily endured. 

Before I go on to relate the treatment we experienced on board the 
Jersey , I will make one remark, and that is, that if you were to rake the 
infernal regions, I doubt whether you could find such another set of 
demons as the officers and men who had charge of the Old Jersey 
Prison-ship. And, Sir, I shall not be surprised if you, possessing those 
finer feelings which I believe are interwoven in the composition of 
man, and which are not totally torn from the piece, till, by a long and 
obstinate perseverance in the meanest, the basest, and cruellest of all 
human arts, a man becomes lost to every sense of honor, of justice, of 
humanity, and common honesty;—I shall not be surprised, T say, if 
you, possessing those finer feelings, should doubt whether men could 
he so lost to their sacred obligations to their God, and the moral ties 
which ought to bind them to their duty toward their fellow-men, as 
those men were, who had the charge, and also those who had any 
agency in the affairs of the Jersey Prison-ship. 

On my arrival on board the Old Jersey, I found there about eleven 


APPENDIX. 


183 


hundred prisoners; many of them had been there from three to six 
months, but te\v r lived over that time if they did not get away by some 
means or other. They were generally in the most deplorable situation, 
mere walking skeletons, without money, and scarcely clothes to cover 
their nakedness, and overrun with lice from head to foot. The pro¬ 
visions, Sir, that were served out to us was not more than four or five 
ounces ot meat, and about as much bread, all condemned provisions from 
their ships-of-war, which no doubt were supplied with new in their 
stead, and the new, in all probability, charged by the Commissaries to 
the Jersey. They, however, know best about that; and however secure 
they may now feel, they will have to render an account of that busi¬ 
ness to a Judge who cannot be deceived. This fact, however, I can 
safely aver, that both the times that I was confined on board the 
Prison-ship, there never were provisions served out to the prisoners 
that would have been eatable by men that were not literally in a 
starving situation. The water that we were forced to use was carried 
from this city; and 1 positively assert, that I never, after having fol¬ 
lowed the sea thirty years, had on board of any ship (and I have been 
three years on some of my voyages) water so bad as that we were 
obliged to use on board the Old Jersey ; when there was, as it were to 
tantalize us, as fine water, not more than three cables length from us, 
at the mill in the Wall about, as was perhaps ever drank. There were 
hogs kept in pens on the Gun-deck by the officers of the Prison-ship 
for their own use; and I have seen the prisoners watch an opportunity, 
and with a tin pot steal the bran from the hogs’ trough, and go into 
the Galley, and when they could get an opportunity, boil it on the fire, 
and eat it as you, Sir, would eat of good soup when hungry. This I 
have seen more than once, and there are those now living beside me 
who can bear testimony to the same fact. There are many other facts 
equally abominable that I could mention, but the very thought of those 
things brings to my recollection scenes the most distressing. 

When I reflect how many hundreds of my brave and intrepid 
brother-seamen and countrymen I have seen, in all the bloom of health, 
brought on board of that ship, and in a few days numbered with the 
dead, in consequence of the savage treatment they there received, I 
can but adore my Creator that lie suffered me to escape ; but I did not 
escape, Sir, without being brought to the very verge of the grave. 


184 


APPENDIX. 


This was the second time I was on hoard, which I shall mention 
more particularly hereafter. Those of us who had money fared much 
better than those who had none. I had made out to save, when taken, 
about twenty dollars, and with that I could buy from the bumboats, 
that were permitted to come alongside, bread, fruit, &c.; but, Sir, those 
bumboatmen were of the same kidney with the officers of the Jersey ; 
we got nothing from them without paying through the nose for it, and 
1 soon found the bottom of iny purse; after which I fared no better 
than the rest. I was, however, fortunate in another respect; for after 
having been there about six weeks, two of my countrymen (I am a 
Nantucket man) happened to come to New York to endeavor to recover 
a whaling sloop that had been captured, with a whaling license from 
Admiral Digby; and they found means to procure my release, passing 
me for a Quaker, to which I confess I had no pretensions further than 
my mother being a member of that respectable society. Thus, Sir, I 
returned to my friends fit for the newest fashion, after an absence of 
three years. 

For my whole wardrobe T carried on my back, which consisted of a 
jacket, shirt, and trousers, a pair of old shoes, and a handkerchief which 
served me for a hat, and had more than two months, for I lost my hat 
the day we were taken, from the main top-gallant yard, furling the 
top-gallant sail. My clothes, I forgot to mention, were completely 
laced with locomotive tinsel, and moved, as if by instinct, in all direc¬ 
tions; but as my mother was not fond of such company, she furnished 
me with a suit of my father’s, who was absent at sea, and condemned 
my laced suit for the benefit of all concerned. 

Being then in the prime of youth, about eighteen years of age, and 
naturally of a roving disposition, I could not bear the idea of being 
idle at home. 1 therefore proceeded to Providence, Rhode Island, 
and shipping on board the brig Betsy and Polly , Captain Robekt 
Folger, bound for Virginia and Amsterdam, we sailed from Newport 
early in February, 1783 ; and were taken five days after, oft* the Capes 
of Virginia, by the Fair American privateer, of this port, mounting 
sixteen sixes, and having eighty-five men, commanded by one Burton, 
a refugee, most of whose officers were of the same stamp. We were 
immediately handcuffed two and two, and ordered into the hold in the 
cable-tier. Having been plundered of our beds and bedding, the soft- 


APPENDIX. 


185 

est bed we had was the soft side of a water-cask and the coils of a 
cable. 

The Fair American , having boon handsomely dressed by an United 
States \esscl ot one-halt ot her torce, was obliged to put into New 
York, then in possession of the British army, to retit; and we arrived 
within the Hook about the beginning of March, and were put on board 
a pilot-boat and brought up to this city. The boat hauled alongside 
of the Crane-wharf, where we had our irons knocked off, the mark* of 
which / carry to this day ; and were put on board the same schooner 
Relief mentioned in a former part of this narrative, and sent up once 
more to the Prison-ship. 

It was just three months from my leaving the Old Jersey to mv 
being again a prisoner on board of her; and on my return I found but 
very few of those whom I had left three months before; some had 
made their escape; some had been exchanged; but the greater part 
had taken up their abode under the surface of that hill which you can 
see from your windows, where their bones are mouldering to dust, 
and mingling with mother earth; a lesson to Americans, written in 
capitals, on British cruelty and injustice. 1 found, on my return on 
board the Jersey, more prisoners than when I left her; and she being so 
crowded, they were obliged to send about two hundred of us on board 
the John, a transport-ship of about three hundred tons. There we 
were treated worse, if possible, than on board the Jersey ; and our 
accommodations were infinitely worse, for the Jersey, being an old con¬ 
demned sixty-four gun ship, had two tier of ports fore and aft, air¬ 
ports, and large hatchways, which gave a pretty free circulation of air 
through the ship; whereas the John being a merchant ship, and with 
small hatchways, and no ports, and the hatches laid down every night, 
and no man allowed during the night to go on deck, all exonerations 
were of course made below ; the effluvia arising from these, together 
with the already contaminated air, occasioned by the breath of so many 
people so pent up together, was enough to destroy men of the most 
healthy and robust constitutions. All the time I was on board this 
ship not a prisoner ate his allowance, bad as it was, cooked, more than 
three or four times; but ate it raw as it came out of the barrel. 
These, Sir, are stubborn facts that cannot be controverted. 

In the middle of this ship, between decks, was raised a platform of 
24 


APPENDIX. 


1 80 

boards about two and a half feet high, for those prisoners to sleep on 
•who had no hammocks. On this they used frequently to sit and play 
at cards, to pass the time. One night in particular, several ot us sat to 
see them play till about ten o’clock, and then retired to our hammocks, 
and left them playing; about one a. m. we were called, and told that 
one Bird was dying; we turned out and went to where he lay, and 
found him just expiring. Thus, at ten p. m. this young man was appa¬ 
rently as well as any of us, and at one a. m. had paid the debt to na¬ 
ture. Many others went off in the same way. It will perhaps be said 
that men may die suddenly anywhere. True; but do they die sud¬ 
denly anywhere from the same cause? 

After all these things, it is, I think, impossible for the mind to form 
any other conclusion than that there was a premeditated design to 
destroy as many Americans as they could on board of their Prison- 
ships; the treatment of the prisoners warrants the conclusion ; but it 
is mean, base, and cowardly, to endeavor to conquer an enemy by such 
infamous means, and truly characteristic of base and cowardly 
wretches. The truly brave will always treat their prisoners well. 
There were two or three Hospital-ships near the Prison-ships; and so 
soon as any of the prisoners complained of being sick, they were sent 
on board of one of them; and I verily believe that not one out of a 
hundred ever returned or recovered. I am sure I never knew hut one 
to recover. Almost (and in fact I believe I may safely say) every 
morning a large boat from each of the hospital-ships went loaded with 
dead bodies, which were all tumbled together into a hole dug for the 
purpose, on the hill where the national navy-yard now is. 

A singular affair happened on board of one of those Hospital-ships, 
and no less true than singular. All the prisoners that died after the 
boat with the load had gone ashore, were sewed up in hammocks, and 
left on deck till the next morning. As usual, a great number had thus 
been disposed of. In the morning, while employed in loading the 
boat, one of the seamen perceived motion in one of the hammocks, just 
as they were about launching it down the board placed for that pur¬ 
pose from the gunwale of the ship into the boat, and exclaimed, 
U I)—n my eyes, that fellow is not dead ;” and, if I have been rightly 
informed, and I believe I have, there was quite a dispute between this 
man and the others about it. They swore he was dead enough, ami 


A PPEND1X. 


187 

should go into the boat; he swore he should not he launched, as they 
termed it, and took his knife and ripped open the hammock, and be¬ 
hold! the man was really alive. There had been a heavy rain during 
the night, and as the vital functions had not totally ceased, but were 
merely suspended in consequence of the main-spring being out of order, 
this seasonable moistening must have given tone and elasticity to the 
'great spring, which must have communicated to the lesser ones, and 
put the whole machinery again in motion. You know better about 
these things than I do, and can better judge of the cause of the reani¬ 
mation of this man from the circumstances mentioned, lie was a 
native of Rhode Island; his name was Gavot. lie went to Rhode 
Island in the same Hag of truce with me, about a month afterwards. I 
felt extremely ill, but made out to keep about till I got home (my 
parents then lived on the island of Nantucket); was then taken down, 
and lay in my bed six weeks in the most deplorable situation; my 
body was swelled to a great degree, and my legs were as big round as 
my body now is, and affected with the most excruciating pains. "What 
my disorder was 1 will not pretend to say; but Dr. Tuppek, quite an 
eminent physician, and a noted tory, who attended me, declared to my 
mother that he knew of nothing that would operate in the manner that 
my disorder did, but poison. For the truth ot this I refer to my father 
and brothers, and to Mr. Henby Coffin, father to Captain Petek 
Coffin, of the Manchester Packet , of this port. 

Thus, Sir, in some haste, without much attention to order or diction, 
I have given you part of the history of my lite and sufferings; but l 
endeavored to bear them as became an American. And I must men¬ 
tion, before I close, to the everlasting honor of those unfortunate 
Americans who were on board the Jersey Prison-ship, that notwith¬ 
standing the savage treatment they received, and death staring them 
in the face, every attempt (which was very frequent) that the British 
made to persuade them to enter on board their ships-of-war or in their 
army, was treated with the utmost contempt; and I never knew, while 
1 was on board, but one instance of defection, and that person was 
hooted at and abused by the prisoners till the boat was out ot hearing. 
The patriotism in preferring such treatment, and even death in its most 
frightful shapes, to the serving the British, and lighting against their 
own country, has seldom been equalled, certainly never excelled. And 


188 


APPENDIX. 


if there he no monument raised with hands to commemorate the vir¬ 
tue of those men, it is stamped in capitals on the heart of every 
American acquainted with their merit and sufferings, and will there 
remain so long as the blood Hows from its fountain. 


VII. 

\ 

RECOLLECTIONS OF BROOKLYN AND NEW YORK, IN 1770. 

[From a Note-book of General Jeremiah Johnson, of the Wale bogt, L. I.] 

The subject of the naval prisoners, and of the British Prison-ships 
stationed at the Wallabout, during the Revolution, is one which can¬ 
not be passed by in silence. 

From printed journals, published at New York at the close of the 
war, it appeared that eleven thousand live hundred American prisoners 
had died on board the Prison-ships. Although this number is very 
great, still, if the number who perished had been less, the Commissary 
of Naval prisoners, David Spkoat, Esq., and his Deputy, had it in their 
power, by an official Return, to give the true number taken, ex¬ 
changed, escaped, and dead. Such a Return has never appeared in 
the United States. 

David Spko,a.t returned to America after the war, and resided in 
Philadelphia, where he died. The Commissary could not have been 
ignorant of the statement published here on this interesting subject. 
We may, therefore, infer that about that number—eleven thousand 
five hundred—perished in the Prison-ships. 

A large transport, named the Whitby , was the first Prison-ship 
anchored in the Wallabout. She was moored near “Remsen’s mill,” 
about the twentieth of October, 177<>, and was then crowded with pris¬ 
oners. Many landsmen were prisoners on board this vessel: she was 
said to be the most sickly of all the Prison-ships. Bad provisions, 
bad water, and scanted rations, were dealt to the prisoners. No med¬ 
ical men attended the sick. Disease reigned unrelieved, and hundreds 



APPENDIX. 


189 


died tVoiM pestilence, or were starved, on board tins floating Prison. 

1 saw the sand-beach, between a ravine in the bill and Mr. Remsen’s 
dock, become tilled with graves in the course of two months; and 
before the first of May, 1777, the ravine alluded to was itself occupied 
in the same way. 

In the month of May, 1777, two large ships were anchored in the 
Wall about, when the prisoners were transferred from the Whitby to 
them : these vessels were also very sickly, from the causes before 
stated. Although many prisoners were sent on board of them, and 
none exchanged, death made room for all. 

On a Sunday afternoon, about the middle of October, 1777, one of 
the Prison-ships was burnt: the prisoners, except a few, who, it was 
said, were burnt in the vessel, were removed to the remaining ship. 
It was reported, at the time, that the prisoners had fired their Prison, 
which, if true, proves that they preferred death, even by fire, to the 
lingering sufferings of pestilence and starvation. 

In the month of February, 1778, the remaining Prison-ship was 
burnt at night, when the prisoners were removed from her to the 
ships then wintering in the Wallabout. 

In the month of April, 1778, the Old Jersey was moored in the Wall¬ 
about, and all the prisoners (except the sick) were transferred to her. 
The sick were carried to two Hospital-ships, named the Hope and Fal¬ 
mouth, anchored near each other, about two hundred yards east from 
the Jersey. These ships remained in the Wallabout until New York 
was evacuated by the British. The Jersey was the Receiving-ship; 
the others, truly, the ships of Death! 

It has been generally thought that all the prisoners died on board 
of the Jersey. This is not true: many may have died on board of her, 
who were not reported as sick; but all the men who were placed on 
the sick-list were removed to the Hospital-ships, from which they 
were usually taken, sewed up in a blanket, to their long home. 

After the Hospital-ships were brought into the Wallabout it was re¬ 
ported that the sick were attended by Physicians; 1 few, very few, 
however, recovered. It was no uncommon thing to see five or six 
dead bodies brought on shore in a single morning, when a small exca- 

i We knew u young physician, H.vkky Vandewateb, who attended the ships, who took 
the fever on board, and died. 


APPENDIX. 


190 

ration would be dug at the foot of the hill, the bodies be cast in, and 
a man with a shovel would cover them, by shovelling sand down the 
hill upon them. Many were buried in a ravine of the hill; some on 
the farm. The whole shore, from Rennie’s Point to Mr. Remsen’s 
door-yard, was a place of graves; as were also the slope of the hill, 1 
near the house; the shore, from Mr. Remsen’s barn along the mill¬ 
pond to Rappelye’s farm; and the sandy island, between the flood¬ 
gates and the mill-dam; while a few were buried on the shore on the 
east side of the Wallabout. Thus did Death reign here , from 177b 
until the peace. The whole Wall about was a sickly place during the 
war. The atmosphere seemed to be charged with foul air from the 
Prison-ships, and with the effluvia of the dead bodies, washed out of 
their graves by the tides. 

We believe that more than half of the dead, buried on the outer 
side of the mill-pond, were washed out by the waves at high tide, 
during northeasterly winds The bones of the dead lay exposed along 
the beach, drying and bleaching in the sun, and whitening the shore; 
till reached by the power of a succeeding storm, as the agitated waters 
receded, the bones receded with them into the deep—where they 
remain, unseen by man, awaiting the resurrection morn, when, again 
joined to the spirits to which they belong, they will meet their perse¬ 
cuting murderers at the bar of the supreme Judge of “the quick and 
“ the dead.” 

We have, ourselves, examined many of the skulls lying on the 
shore. From the teeth, they appeared to be the remains of men in 
the prime of life. 

The prisoners confined in the Jersey had secretly obtained a crow¬ 
bar, which was kept concealed, in the berth of some confidential 
officer, among the prisoners. The bar was used to break off the 'port 
gratings. This was done, in windy nights, when good swimmers were 
ready to leave the ship for the land. In this way a number escaped. 

Captain Doughty, a friend of the writer, had charge of the bar 
when he was a prisoner on board of the Jersey , and effected his escape 
by its means. When he left the ship he gave the bar to a confidant, 
to be used for the relief of others. Very few who left the ship were 


1 This part of the hill was dug away by Mr. Jackson, where he obtained the bones for the 
I>nj-bone procession." 


APPENDIX. 


191 


retaken: they knew where to find friends to conceal them, and to 
help them heyond pursuit. 

A singularly daring and successful escape was effected from the 
Jersey, about four o’clock one afternoon, in the beginning of Decem¬ 
ber, 1780. The best boat of the ship had returned from New York, 
between three and four o’clock, and was left fastened at the gangway, 
with her oars on board. The afternoon was stormy, the wind blew 
from the northeast, and the tide ran flood. A watchword was given, 
and a number of prisoners placed themselves, carelessly, between the 
ship’s waist and the sentinel. At this juncture four eastern Captains 
got on board the boat, which was cast oft' by their friends. The boat 
passed close under the bows of the ship, and was a considerable dis¬ 
tance from her before the sentinel on the forecastle gave the alarm, 
and fired at her. The second boat was manned for a chase; she pur¬ 
sued in vain; one man from her bow fired several shots at the boat, 
and a few guns were fired at her from the Bushwick shore; but all to 
no effect—the boat passed Hell-gate in the evening, and arrived safe 
in Connecticut next morning. 

A spring of the writer was a favorite watering-place for the British 
shipping. The water-boat of the Jersey watered from the spring, 
daily, when it could be done: four prisoners were usually brought on 
shore to fill the casks, attended by a guard. The prisoners were fre¬ 
quently permitted to come to the house to get milk and food; and 
often brought letters privately from the ship. By these the sufferings 
on board were revealed. 

Supplies of vegetables were frequently collected, by Mr. Remsen 
(the benevolent owner of the mill), for the prisoners; and small sums 
of money were sent on board by the writer’s lather to his friends, by 
means of these watering parties. 

We have arrived at a point at which we deem it proper to prove to 
the reader that what we have stated, on the subject of the cruel treat¬ 
ment of the American prisoners, is true. In doing it we will refer to 
British authority to support our statement. 

The British Annual Register , of 1781, quotes a report of a Commit¬ 
tee of Congress, in relation to the treatment of American prisoners. 
The Committee report as follows, viz.: “ That, notwithstanding every 
“effort of Congress to obtain for our people, prisoners in the hands ot 


1 \)'2 


APPENDIX. 


“the enemy, that treatment which humanity alone should have dic- 
“ tated, the British commander, unmindful of the tenderness exercised 
“towards their men, prisoners in our hands, and regardless of the 
“practice of civilized nations, has persisted in treating our people, 
“ prisoners to them, with every species of insult , outrage , and cruelty. 
“Officers and men are, indiscriminately, thrown into the holds of 
“ Prison-ships , and into loathsome dungeons, and there deprived of 
“fuel and the common necessaries of life; by which means, many of 
“the citizens of these States have been compelled to enter into their 
“ service, to avoid those distresses which a conduct so contrary to the 
“Law of Nations had brought upon them. Our seamen, taken upon 
“the American coasts, have been sent to Great Britain, or other parts 
“beyond the seas, to prevent their being exchanged, or to force them 
“ to take arms against their country. In the opinion of the Committee, 
“ an exercise of the law of retaliation has therefore become necessary, 
“as a justice due to those citizens of America, whom the fortune of 
“war has thrown into the hands of the enemy.” 

This, an American report, is supported as follows:— 

We quote from the same Register , page 152: “A petition was pre¬ 
sented to the House the same day (20 th June) by Mr. Fox, from the 
“ American prisoners in Mill-prison, Plymouth; setting forth that 
“they were treated with less humanity than the French and Spaniards, 
“though, by reason that they had no Agent established in this country 
“ for their protection, they were entitled to expect a larger share of 
“ indulgence than others; they had not a sufficient allowance of bread , 
“and were very scantily furnished with clothing. 

“ A similar petition was presented to the House of Peers by the 
“Duke of Richmond; and these petitions occasioned considerable 
“debates in both Houses. Several motions were grounded on these 
“ petitions, but those proposed by the Lords and Gentlemen in the 
“opposition, were determined in the negative, and others, to exculpate 
“ the Government in this business, were resolved in the affirmative. 
“It appeared, upon inquiry, that the American prisoners were allowed 
“ half a pound of bread less per day than the French and Spanish 
“ prisoners. But the petitions of the Americans produced no altera- 
“ t.ions in their favor, and the conduct of the administration was 
“equally impolitic and illiberal. The additional allowance, which 


APPENDIX. 


“ was solicited on belialt of the prisoners, could be no object either to 
“Government or to the Nation; and it was certainly unwise, by treat¬ 
ing American prisoners worse than those of France and Spain, to 
“increase the fatal animosity which had unhappily taken place be- 
u tween the mother country and the Colonies, and this, too, at a period 
“ when the subjugation of the latter had become so hopeless.” 

We trust that our proof is sufficient. We have shown that in 
England, under the eyes, and in the keeping, and with the knowledge 
of the British ministry, Americans were confined, and kept upon half 
allowance of bread; and if this was the case in Britain, there can be 
no doubt that the Commissary at New York obeyed orders, in thus 
treating the prisoners here. 


VIII. 

THE PRIVATEER SLOOP CHANGE, OF PROVI¬ 
DENCE. 

Tiie Chance , of Providence, a fine new sloop, mounting twelve six- 
pounders, and manned with sixty-five men, was fitted out by Messrs. 
Clarke & Nightingale, one of the leading commercial houses in that 
city. 

She sailed from that port early in May, 1782, as related in the text 
of this volume ; and soon after, she was captured and sent into New 
York by his Majesty’s ship Belisarius , commanded by Captain Rich¬ 
ard Graves. 1 

Her crew, as has been shown by Captain Bring, in the preceding 
pages of this volume, was consigned to the tender mercies of David 
Sproat and the commander of the Jersey Prison-ship. The vessel, a 
few days after her arrival in New York, was probably condemned by 

1 The following, from the official paper of the (lay, will illustrate this subject:— 

[From The lloyal Gazette , No. 588, New-York, Saturday, May 18, 17S2.] 

“ The following Prizes have been sent into this port since our last. 

******* 

“The Rebel privateer Sloop Chance, of twelve guns and sixty men, from Providence 
“(Rhoile-Island) by his Majesty’s Ship Bellisarius, Thomas Graves, Esq: Commander.” 



APPENDIX. 


194 


the Court of Vice-Admiralty, and sold at auction under the direction of 
the Marshal of the District; and thenceforth the Chance was lost to 
history. 

The following official notice, from the Government paper of the 
day, closes the sad story :— 

[From The Royal Gazette , No. 603, New-York, Wednesday, July 10,1782.] 

New-York, July 10, 1782 

m vrOTICE is hereby given to the Officers & Company of his 
JLi Majesty’s Ship Bellisarius, Richard Graves, Esq; commander, 
“who were actually on board on the 12th, 15tli, and 18th of May 
“ 1782, at the captures of the privateer Sloop Chance, Schooner Sword- 
“ fish, and privateer Brig Sampson ; that they will be paid their 
“ respective shares of the said captures on Saturday the 13th instant 
“ at the office of the subscriber, and the shares not then demanded 
“ will be recalled every day (Sundays excepted) for three years to 
“come, when the unclaimed shares will be paid into Greenwich 
“ Hospital agreeable to Act of Parliament. 

“SAMUEL KEMBLE, Agent.” 


IX. 

THE BELISARIUS, CAPTAIN RICHARD GRAVES. 

This vessel was a fine frigate-built ship, belonging formerly to Bos¬ 
ton, from which port she sailed, under the command of Captain 
Muxro, on Sunday, the sixth of May, 1781, on her first cruise. 1 

She originally mounted twenty nine-pounders, and carried a crew 
of upwards of one hundred and sixty men. She was one of the most 
elegant vessels of her day; and her speed was superior to that of most 
of the vessels then afloat. 2 

She was captured while on her first cruise, 3 by His Majesty’s frigates 
Amphitrite and Medea , assisted by the privateer Virginia , and carried 

1 MS. Diary of William Dhowne, her Captain's Clerk. 

2 Ibid.; MS. Memo, of Roswell Palmer, Esq., ante. 

3 Diary of William Drowse, ante. 



APPENDIX. 


1 U 5 

into New York, where she arrived on Sunday, the twelfth of August, 
1781. 1 She was taken into the service as soon after her arrival as the 
requisite forms of law could be complied with, 2 and, under the com¬ 
mand of Captain Richard Graves, she committed great havoc among 
the American shipping, against which she was especially employed. 

1 The following notices of her arrival at the port of New York will illustrate this sub¬ 
ject:— 

[From The Royal Gazette , No. 509, New York, Wednesday, August 15, 17S1.] 

“ Last Sunday arrived the rebel ship Bellisarins, of 24 nine pounders and one hundred 
“and fifty men, prize to the Medea and Amphitrite frigates; she is a very fine vessel.' 1 

[From The Royal Gazette , No. 511, New York, Wednesday, August 22, 17S1.] 

“ The following is an accurate list of the prizes brought into this port, since Saturday 
'•'the 1 1th inst. by several of his Majesty' 8 ships, and sundry privateers. 

********* 

“The Bellisarius, of 24 guns, Cap’ain Munro, from Salem, by his Majesty's frigates the 
“ Amphetrite, Medea, and Virginia privateer, belonging to Messrs. Shi Aden and Goodrich." 

2 The Gentleman's and Citizen's Almanack for 17S6, published in Dublin, contains a list 
of the captains in the Royal Navy, at that date, from which it appears that Captain Richard 
Gravks received his commission on the twenty-ninth of August, 17S1; and the following 
card, from the official paper of the same date, will throw additional light on the subject:— 

[From The Royal Gazette , No. 513, New York, Wednesday, August 29, 1731.] 

“All Gentlemen Volunteers, 

“WHETHER ABLE OR ORDINARY, 

u "1 17110 are willing to serve their King and Country, and enrich themselves with 
V Y the Treasure of their Enemies, on Board 

“His MAJESTY’S Ship, 

“BELISARIUS, 

“ One of the most elegant and perfectly well appointed Frigates of her size in the universe, 
“ carrying 24 Six and Nine Pounders, commanded by 

“RICHARD GRAVES, Esquire; 

“Are desired to repair on Board the said Ship, at the KING’S A A R D : where every 
“able Seaman will receive a Bounty of Three Pounds; and every ordinary Seaman, or 
“able bodied Landsman, Forty Shillings, be entered into present Pay, and receive the 
“ most generous Encouragement. 

“The Ship is fitting out with all expedition. 

“GOD SAVE THE KING.” 


APPENDIX. 




x. 


THE PRISON-SIIIP JERSEY. 

This vessel, so well known and yet so much despised, was a fourth- 
rate ship of the line, mounting sixty guns, and carrying a crew of four 
hundred men. 

She was built in 173G—having succeeded to the name of a celebrated 
fifty-gun ship which was then withdrawn from the service—and in the 
following year [1737] she was fitted for sea as one of the Channel fleet, 
commanded by Sir John Norths. 

In the fall of 1738, the command of the Jersey was given to Captain 
Edmund Williams; and in July, 1739, she was one of the vessels 
which were sent to the Mediterranean Sea, under Rear-Admiral 
Ciialoner Ogle, when a threatened rupture with Spain rendered 
it necessary to strengthen the naval force on that station, then com¬ 
manded by Rear-Admiral Nicholas Haddock. 

The trouble in the Mediterranean having been quieted by the ap¬ 
pearance of so heavy a force, in 1740, the Jersey returned home; 
but she was again sent out, under the command of Captain Peter 
Lawrence, and was one of the vessels forming the fleet under Sir 
John Norris, when, in the fall of that year and in the spring of 1741, 
that gentleman made his fruitless demonstrations against the Spanish 
coast. 

Soon afterward [1741] the Jersey , still forming one of the fleet 
commanded by Sir Ciialoner Ogle, was sent to the West Indies, to 
strengthen the forces on that station, commanded by Vice-Admiral 
Vernon; and she was with that distinguished officer when he made 
his well-known unsuccessful attack on Carthagena, and the Spanish 
dominions in America, in that year. 

In March, 1743, Captain Lawrence was succeeded in the command 
of the Jersey by Captain Harry Norris, youngest son of Admiral Sir 
John Norris; and the Jersey formed one of the fleet commanded by 
that distinguished officer, which was designed to watch the enemy's 


APPENDIX. 


197 


Brest fleet; but having suffered severely from a storm while on that 
station, she was obliged to return to the Downs. 

Captain Harry Norris having been promoted to a heavier ship, the 
command of the Jersey , soon afterward, was given to Captain Charles 
Hardy, subsequently well known as Governor of the Colony of New 
^ ork; and in June, 1744, that gallant officer having been appointed 
to the command of the Newfoundland station, and Governor of the 
Colony, she sailed for North America, and bore his flag in those 
waters during the remainder of the year. 

In 1745, still under the immediate command of Captain Hardy, the 
Jersey was one of the ships which, under Vice-Admiral Medley, were 
sent to' the Mediterranean, where Vice-Admiral Sir William Rowley 
then commanded; and as she continued on that station during the fol¬ 
lowing year, under the command of Vice-Admiral Medley, there is 
ittle doubt that Captain Hardy remained there, during the remainder 
of his term of service on that vessel. 

It was while under the command of Captain Hardy, in July, 1745, 
the Jersey was engaged with the French ship St. Esprit , of seventy- 
four guns, in one of the most desperate engagements on record. The 
action continued during two hours and a half, when the St. Esprit was 
compelled to bear away for Cadiz, where she was repaired and refitted 
for sea. 

At the close of Sir Charles IIardy’s term of service, in 1747, the 
Jersey was laid up, evidently unfit for active service; and in October, 
1748, she was reported among the “Hulks” in port. 

On the renewal of hostilities with France, in 1756, the Jersey was 
refitted for service, and the command given to Captain John Barker; 
and in May, 1757, she was sent to the Mediterranean, where, under the 
orders of Admiral Henry Osborne, she continued upward of two years, 
having been present, on the twenty-eighth of February, 1758, when 
M. du Quesne made his ineffectual attempt to re-enforce M. de la Clue, 
who was then closely confined, with the fleet under his command, in 
the harbor of Carthagena. 

On the eighteenth of August, 1759, while commanded by Captain 
Barker, the Jersey , with the Culloden and Conqueror , were ordered 
by Admiral Boscowan, the commander of the fleet, to proceed to the 
mouth of the harbor of Toulon, for the purpose of cutting out or 


198 


APPENDIX. 


destroying two French ships which were moored there, under cover of 
the batteries, with the hope of forcing the French Admiral, De la Clue, 
to an engagement. 

The three ships approached the harbor, as directed, with great firm¬ 
ness ; but they were assailed by so heavy a fire, not only from the 
enemy’s ships and fortifications, but from several masked batteries, 
that, after an unequal but desperate contest of upwards of three hours, 
they were compelled to retire without having succeeded in their ob¬ 
ject, and to repair to Gibraltar to be refitted. 

In the course of that year [1759] Captain Barkeii was succeeded in 
the command of the Jersey by Captain Andrew Wilkinson, under 
whom, forming one of the Mediterranean fleet, commanded by Vice- 
Admiral Sir Charles Saunders, she continued in active service during 
the years 1761, 1762, and 1763. 

On the establishment of the general peace, in 1763, the Jersey re¬ 
turned to England, and was laid up; but in May, 1766, she was again 
commissioned, and under the command of Captain William Dickson, 
and bearing the flag of Admiral Spry, she was ordered to her former 
station in the Mediterranean, where she remained three years. 

In the spring of 1769, bearing the flag of Commodore Sir John 
Byron, the commander of that station and Governor of the Colony, 
the Jersey sailed for America; but there is little doubt that she re¬ 
turned home, as was usual in such cases, at the close of the summer, 
and the active duty of that ship appears to have been brought to a 
close, at that time. 

The Jersey remained out of commission from the close of 1769 until 
1776, when, without armament, and under the command of Captain W. 
Anthony Halstead, she was ordered to New York as a Hospital- 
ship. 

On Sunday, the seventeenth of May, 1778, Captain Halstead de¬ 
parted this life; and, in July following, he was succeeded in the com¬ 
mand of the Jersey by Commander David Laird, under whom, either 
as a Hospital or a Prison ship, she remained until the termination of 
the British authority in New York, when she was abandoned to the 
fate to which she was justly entitled, and was subsequently overwhelm¬ 
ed in the mud of the Wale bogt, where she remains to this day. 


APPENDIX. 


199 


XI. 

EXTRACT FROM AN ORATION, PRONOUNCED JULY 4, 1800, IN 
THE BAPTIST MEETING-HOUSE IN PROVIDENCE: IT BEING 
THE ANNIVERSARY OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. 

BY JONATHAN RUSSELL, ESQ. 

***** * * 

But it was not in the ardent conflicts of the field only that our 
countrymen fell; it was not the ordinary chances of war alone which 
they had to encounter. Happy, indeed, thrice happy, were 'Warren, 
Montgomery, and Merger ; happy those other gallant spirits who fell 
with glory in the heat of battle, distinguished by their country, and 
covered with her applause. Every soul, sensible to honor, envies 
rather than compassionates their fate. It was in the dungeons of our 
inhuman invaders; it was in their loathsome and pestiferous Prison- 
ships, that the wretchedness of our countrymen still makes the heart 
bleed. It was there that hunger, and thirst, and disease, and all the 
contumely which cold-hearted cruelty could bestow, sharpened every 
pang of death. Misery there wrung every fibre that could feel, before 
she gave the Blow of Grace which sent the sufferer to eternity. It is 
said that poison was employed. No—there was no such mercy there. 
There, nothing was employed which could blunt the susceptibility to 
anguish, or which, by hastening death, could rob its agonies of a single 
pang. On board one only of these Prison-ships above eleven thousand 
of our brave countrymen are said to have perished. She was called 
the Jersey. Her wreck still remains, and at low ebb presents to the 
world its accursed and blighted fragments. Twice in twenty-four 
hours the winds of Heaven sigh through it, and repeat the groans of 
our expiring countrymen; and twice the ocean hides in her bosom 
those deadly and polluted ruins, which all her waters cannot purify. 
Every rain that descends washes from the unconsecrated bank the 
bones of those intrepid sufferers. They lie naked on the shore, 
accusing the neglect of their countrymen. How long shall gratitude 
and even piety deny them burial? They ought to be collected in one 


200 


APPENDIX. 


vast ossory, which shall stand a monument to future ages of the 
two extremes of the human character; of that depravity which, 
trampling on the rights of misfortune, perpetrated cold and calcu¬ 
lating murder on a wretched and defenceless prisoner; and that virtue 
which animated this prisoner to die a willing martyr for his country. 
Or rather, were it possible, there ought to be raised a Colossal Column , 
whose base sinking to Hell , should let the murderers read their in¬ 
famy inscribed on it; and whose capital of Corinthian laurel ascend¬ 
ing to Heaven , should show the sainted Patriots that they have tri¬ 
umphed. 

Deep and dreadful as the coloring of this picture may appear, it is 
but a faint and imperfect sketch of the original. You must remember 
a thousand unutterable calamities, a thousand instances of domestic as 
well as national anxiety and distress, which mock description. You 
ought to remember them; you ought to hand them down in tradition 
to your posterity, that they may know the awful price their fathers 
paid for Freedom. 


XII. 


SONNET. 

SUGGESTED BY A VISION OF THE JERSEY PRISON-SHIP. 

O Sea ! in whose unfathomable gloom 

A world forlorn of wreck and ruin lies, 

In thy avenging majesty arise, 

And with a sound as of the trump of doom, 

Whelm from all eyes for aye yon living tomb, 

Wherein the martyr-patriots groaned for years, 

A prey to hunger, and the bitter jeers 
Of foes in whose relentless breast no room 
Was ever found for pity or remorse, 

By haunting auger and a savage hate, 

That spared not e’en their victim’s very corse, 

But left it, outcast, to its carrion fate. 

Wherefore, arise, O Sea! and sternly sweep 
This floating dungeon to thy lowest deep! 

W. P. P. 



APPENDIX. 


201 


XIII. 

THE RHODE ISLAND PRISONER. 

The Prison-ship,—a tomb of living men, 

Living in death, and longing hut to die; 

Or ghastlier, the rebel prison-pen, 

The foulest spot beneath the patient sky. 

Both these have proved undaunted Yankee hearts, 

Yet in their sad extremity forlorn, 

Kind nature solaced with her tenderest arts 
Those faithful souls by wasting torture torn. 

For some Rhode Island captive as he lay, 

Saw in his sleep, with eager joy elate, 

The level shores of Narragansett Bay, 

And the plain landscape of his native State, 

While his pale, dreaming lips did softly ope, 

And murmur low her flag’s dear legend, “ Hope.’ 

Geohge William Curtis. 


22d June, 1865. 



































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